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愛因斯坦


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我每天提醒自己一百遍,我的生活,不管內在或是外在,都是以他人(包括活著的和逝去的)的勞動為基礎。所以我必須盡力奉獻自己,希望能以同等的貢獻,來回報長久以來(現在仍是)從他們那裡所得到的。

我每天提醒自己一百遍,我的生活,不管內在或是外在,都是以他人(包括活著的和逝去的)的勞動為基礎。所以我必須盡力奉獻自己,希望能以同等的貢獻,來回報長久以來(現在仍是)從他們那裡所得到的。

阿爾伯特·愛因斯坦Albert Einstein,1879年3月14日—1955年4月18日),著名理論物理學家。



[編輯] 語錄



  • 一個人的價值,應該看他貢獻什麼,而不應當看他取得什麼。
  • 沒有僥倖這回事,最偶然的意外,似乎也都是事有必然的。

  • 沒有宗教的科學是瘸子,沒有科學的宗教是瞎子。
  • 只要我還能有所選擇,我就只想生活在這樣的國家裡,這個國家中所實行的是:公民、自由寬容,以及在法律面前公民一律平等。公民自由意味著人們有用言語和文字表示其政治信念的自由;寬容意味著尊重別人可能有的任何信念。這些條件目前在德國都不存在。那些對國際諒解事業有特別重大貢獻的人,在那裡正受到迫害,其中就有一些是一流的藝術家。
  • 一個物體的質量就是其所含能量的度量單位。

    • 原文:The mass of a body is a measure of its energy content.

  • 我用比相對論還多的腦力在量子論上。

    • 原文:On quantum theory I use up more brain grease than on relativity.


  • 物理學家們說我是數學家,數學家們又把我歸為物理工作者。我是一個完全孤立的人,雖然所有人都認識我,卻沒有多少人真正瞭解我。

    • 原文:The physicists say that I am a mathematician, and the mathematicians say that I am a physicist. I am a completely isolated man and though everybody knows me, there are very few people who really know me.

  • 那我祇能對親愛的主表示遺憾。相對論是正確的。

    • 原文:Then I would have felt sorry for the dear Lord. The theory is correct. - When asked by a student what he would have done if Sir Arthur Eddington's famous 1919 gravitational lensing experiment, which confirmed relativity, had instead disproved it.

  • 任何一個有智力的笨蛋都可以把事情搞得更大,更複雜,也更激烈。往相反的方向前進則需要天份,以及很大的勇氣。

    • 原文:Any intelligent fool can make things bigger, more complex, and more violent. It takes a touch of genius— and a lot of courage— to move in the opposite direction.

  • 一個人從未犯錯的人是因為他不曾嘗試新鮮事物。

    • 原文:Anyone who has never made a mistake has never tried anything new.

  • 當我們的知識之圓擴大之時,我們所面臨的未知的圓周也一樣。

    • 原文:As our circle of knowledge expands, so does the circumference of darkness surrounding it.

  • 上帝面前我們都一樣聰明——也都一樣愚蠢。

    • 原文:Before God we are all equally wise— and equally foolish.

  • 常識就是人到十八歲為止所累積的各種偏見。

    • 原文:Common sense is the collection of prejudices acquired by age eighteen.

  • 不要擔心你在數學上遇到的困難;我敢保證我遇到的困難比你還大得多。

    • 原文:Do not worry about your difficulties in Mathematics. I can assure you mine are still greater.

  • 教育就是當一個人把在學校所學全部忘光之後剩下的東西。

    • 原文:Education is what remains after one has forgotten everything he learned in school.

  • 方程式對我更重要,因為政治只看眼前,而方程式是永恆的。

    • 原文:Equations are more important to me, because politics is for the present, but an equation is something for eternity.

  • 上帝不為我們那些數學難題而費心。祂信手拈來,將萬物合一。

    • 原文:God does not care about our mathematical difficulties. He integrates empirically.

  • 萬有引力可無法對墜入愛河的人負責。

    • 原文:Gravitation cannot be held responsible for people falling in love.

  • 我不知道第三次世界大戰會用哪些武器,但第四次世界大戰中人們肯定用的是木棍和石塊。

    • 原文:I do not know with what weapons World War III will be fought, but World War IV will be fought with sticks and stones.

  • 我並不假裝理解宇宙——它比我大多了。

    • 原文:I don't pretend to understand the universe— it's much bigger than I am.

  • 我喜歡旅行,但不喜歡到達目的地。

    • 原文:I love to travel, but hate to arrive.

  • 我從不去想未來。因為它來得已經夠快的了。

    • 原文:I never think of the future. It comes soon enough.

  • 我認為祇有大膽的臆測,而不是事實的積累,才能引領我們往前邁進。

    • 原文:I think that only daring speculation can lead us further and not accumulation of facts.

  • 我想知道上帝的構思;其他的都祇是細節。

    • 原文:I want to know God's thoughts; the rest are details.

  • 如果A代表一個人的成功,那麼A等於x加y加z。勤奮工作是x;y是玩耍,而z是把嘴閉上。

    • 原文:If A is a success in life, then A equals x plus y plus z. Work is x; y is play; and z is keeping your mouth shut.

  • 如果我再次成為一個展望人生的年輕人,我不會選擇成為一個科學家、學者或是教師。我寧可去做一個水管工或是小販,盼望著在當前的環境裡,可以找到些許獨立自主的空間。

    • 原文:If I would be a young man again and had to decide how to make my living, I would not try to become a scientist or scholar or teacher. I would rather choose to be a plumber or a peddler in the hope to find that modest degree of independence still available under present circumstances.

  • 如果我的相對論被證明是正確的,德國人就會說我是德國人,法國佬會說我是一個世界公民。如果我的相對論被否定了,法國佬就會罵我德國鬼子而德國人就會把我歸為猶太人。

    • 原文:If my theory of relativity is proven correct, Germany will claim me as a German and France will say I am a man of the world. If it's proven wrong, France will say I am a German and Germany will say I am a Jew.

  • 如果我們知道我們在做什麼,那麼這就不叫科學研究了;不是嗎?

    • 原文:If we knew what we were doing, it wouldn't be called research, would it?

  • 創新不是由邏輯思維帶來的,儘管最後的產物有賴於一個符合邏輯的結構。

    • 原文:Innovation is not the product of logical thought, even though the final product is tied to a logical structure.

  • 精神錯亂:一遍又一遍地重覆作同一件事而期待會有不同的結果。

    • 原文:Insanity: doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results.

  • 有一個現象的明顯程度已經讓我毛骨悚然,這便是我們的人性已經遠遠落後我們的科學技術了。

    • 原文:It has become appallingly obvious that our technology has exceeded our humanity.

  • 要打破人的偏見比崩解一個原子還難。

    • 原文:It is harder to crack a prejudice than an atom.

  • 法律本身並不能保證言論自由;要做到這一點,必需要所有的人都有著包容的心。

    • 原文:Laws alone can not secure freedom of expression; in order that every man present his views without penalty there must be spirit of tolerance in the entire population.

  • 人生就像騎單車。想保持平衡就得往前走。

    • 原文:Life is like riding a bicycle. To keep your balance you must keep moving.

  • 祇有利他的生活才是值得過的生活。

    • 原文:Only a life lived for others is a life worthwhile.

  • 武力不能維持和平。祇有互相理解才可以。

    • 原文:Peace cannot be kept by force. It can only be achieved by understanding.

  • 把你的手放在滾熱的爐子上一分鐘,感覺起來像一小時。坐在一個漂亮姑娘身邊整整一小時,感覺起來像一分鐘。這就是相對論。

    • 原文:Put your hand on a hot stove for a minute, and it seems like an hour. Sit with a pretty girl for an hour, and it seems like a minute. That's relativity.

  • 所謂現實只不過是一個錯覺,雖然這個錯覺非常持久。

    • 原文:Reality is merely an illusion, albeit a very persistent one.

  • 科學是個美妙的東西——如果無須靠它維生的話。

    • 原文:Science is a wonderful thing if one does not have to earn one's living at it.

  • 我們的主很狡猾,好在他不懷歹意。

    • 原文:Subtle is the Lord, but malicious He is not. (Raffiniert ist der Herrgott, aber boshaft ist Er nicht.)

  • 天才和愚蠢之間的區別就是天才有它的限制。

    • 原文:The difference between genius and stupidity is that genius has its limits.

  • 世界上最讓我難以理解的就是所得稅。

    • 原文:The hardest thing to understand in the world is the income tax.

  • 這個世界最不可理解的就是它竟然是可以理解的。

    • 原文:The most incomprehensible thing about the world is that it is at all comprehensible.

  • 真正有價值的是直覺。在探索的道路上智力無甚用處。

    • 原文:The only real valuable thing is intuition. The intellect has little to do on the road to discovery.

  • 我們不能用製造問題時的同一水平思維來解決問題。

    • 原文:The significant problems we face cannot be solved at the same level of thinking we were at when we created them.

  • 原子能的釋放並沒有創造新的問題。它僅僅是把解決一個現有問題的工作變得更為急迫。

    • 原文:The release of atomic energy has not created a new problem. It has merely made more urgent the necessity of solving an existing one.

  • 創新的秘密在於知道如何把你的智謀藏而不露。

    • 原文:The secret to creativity is knowing how to hide your sources.

  • 科學的全部不過就是日常思考的提煉。

    • 原文:The whole of science is nothing more than a refinement of everyday thinking.

  • 真理就是在經驗面前站得住腳的東西。

    • 原文:Truth is what stands the test of experience.

  • 不要試圖去做一個成功的人,要努力成為一個有價值的人。

    • 原文:Try not to become a man of success, but rather try to become a man of value.

  • 態度上的弱點會變成性格上的弱點。

    • 原文:Weakness of attitude becomes weakness of character.

  • 真正使我感興趣的是上帝創造世界的時候有沒有別的方案可選。

    • 原文:What really interests me is whether God had any choice in the creation of the world.

  • 如果有來世,我要去做一個商人。

    • 原文:If I had to live my life over again, I would live it as a trader of goods.

  • 如果我給你一個芬尼,你的財富增長而我的財富縮減,幅度都是一個芬尼。但如果我給你一點想法,儘管你有了新的想法,我卻並沒損失什麼。

    • 原文:If I give you a pfennig, you will be one pfennig richer and I'll be one pfennig poorer. But if I give you an idea, you will have a new idea, but I shall still have it, too.

  • 並不是我很聰明,而祇是我和問題相處得比較久一點。

    • 原文:It's not that I'm so smart, it's just that I stay with problems longer.

  • 宇宙中威力最強大的就是複利。

    • 原文:The most powerful force in the universe is compound interest.

  • 宇宙中唯有兩件事物是無限的:那就是宇宙的大小與人的愚蠢。而宇宙的大小我卻不能肯定。(4月2日名言

    • 原文:Zwei Dinge sind unendlich: Das Universum und die menschliche Dummheit. Aber beim Universum bin ich mir nicht ganz sicher.


  • 一個快樂的人總是滿足於當下,而不太浪費時間去想未來的事。




這個理論是說了很多,但它並沒有引領我們更接近上帝的秘密。 我,無論如何,深信上帝不擲骰子。


  • 量子力學的確讓人印象深刻。但是我的內心卻有一個聲音告訴我,它還不是正確的理論。這個理論是說了很多,但它並沒有引領我們更接近上帝的秘密。我,無論如何,深信上帝不擲骰子。


图一

圖一


  • 我信仰史賓諾莎的上帝,祂以宇宙的秩序與和諧來示現,而不是那個會干涉人類命運和行為的上帝。(圖一)


英語原文:I believe in Spinoza's God, Who reveals Himself in the lawful harmony of the world, not in a God Who concerns Himself with the fate and the doings of mankind.


  • 我不是無神論者,也稱不上是汎神論者。我們就像是個進入一座大型圖書館的小孩。圖書館裏藏滿了許多由不同語言寫成的書籍。這個小孩知道,這些書一定是由某(些)人所寫,祇是不知道他(們)是如何寫成的。這個小孩隱約地感覺到這些書的排列,彷彿依據某種神秘的規則,不過不知道是什麼規則。對我來說,這似乎就是就連是最聰明的人對於上帝的看法。


  • 我們看到一個不可思議地排列著的宇宙,遵行著某些特定的規律。對於這些定律,我們祇有模糊的瞭解。以我們有限的智力,無法理解那推動著星宿們運行的神秘力量。我為史賓諾莎的汎神論著迷,但更欣賞他對於現代思想的貢獻。因為他是第一位把靈魂和身體看作一體的哲學家,而不是把它們當成是兩個分開的東西。




  • 想像力知識更重要。因為知識是有限的,而想像力卻包含了整個宇宙,刺激進步,促成進化。(圖二)


英語原文:Imagination is more important than knowledge. For knowledge is limited, whereas imagination embraces the entire world, stimulating progress, giving birth to evolution.


  • 為了懲罰我蔑視權威,命運也將我變成了一個權威。


  • 我每天提醒自己一百遍,我的生活,不管內在或是外在,都是以他人(包括活著的和逝去的)努力的成果為基礎。所以我必須盡力奉獻自己,希望能以同等的貢獻,來回報長久以來從他人身上所獲得的一切。


英語原文:A hundred times every day I remind myself that my inner and outer life are based on the labors of other men, living and dead, and that I must exert myself in order to give in the same measure as I have received and am still receiving...


  • 在我看來,現在有許多人—甚至包括科學家—似乎都祇是見樹不見林。關於歷史哲學背景的知識,可以提供給那些大部份正受到當代偏頗觀念所左右的科學家們一種不隨波逐流的獨立性。這種由哲學的洞察力所創造的獨立性,依我來看,正是一個工匠或專家,與一個真正的真理追尋者之間,最大的區別。


英語原文:So many people today — and even professional scientists — seem to me like someone who has seen thousands of trees but has never seen a forest. A knowledge of the historic and philosophical background gives that kind of independence from prejudices of his generation from which most scientists are suffering. This independence created by philosophical insight is — in my opinion — the mark of distinction between a mere artisan or specialist and a real seeker after truth.


  • 後世之人大概不會相信,有這樣一個有血有肉的人(聖雄甘地)曾走在這地球上。


英語原文:Generations to come will scarcely believe that such a one as this walked the earth in flesh and blood.

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加拿大不承認台灣是中國領土的理由

加拿大, 全球政治最清廉的國家之一
加拿大外交部的回答讓我們不得不佩服....

長久以來,中國一直堅持台灣是中國的一部份。但是在60年代,中共便為此鬧了個國際笑話。中國外交部要求加拿大承認台灣是中國的領土。加拿大提出5點理由反駁﹕
(一)台灣並非加拿大所擁有之領土,所以加拿大沒有權利承認台灣主權歸屬於誰。
如果是加拿大所擁有的北極圈諸小島與中國有爭議,加拿大才有權利承認其歸屬。這是從羅馬法以來的所有權法理。國際法當然也依此原則適用。

(二)沒有任何國際法理論使加拿大有「權利」承認、或有「義務」承認與它無任何關係的台灣的主權歸屬。中國要求加拿大做這種承認毫無道理。

(三)即使加拿大承認台灣是中國一部份,實際上並無任何法效果或意義。因為加拿大國民、飛機、船舶要進入台灣,拿北京政權所發簽證根本無效,還是要向台灣當局申請簽證。承認其對台灣實效統治,這等於是立刻又以具體行為否認台灣是中國的一部份。

(四)加拿大若在國際條約中承認台灣是中國的一部份,依條約必須履行原理,加拿大勢必派兵攻佔台灣,負責把台灣交給中國以履行條約。這是多麼荒謬的一件事。

(五)台灣如果的確屬於中國,則北京政權又何必要求各國承認。例如,海南島是中國領土不可分割的一部份,中國根本不必要求他國承認。反之,台灣若非中國領土,中國即使到處去要求他國承認,實際上也沒有國際法效果。如果台灣是有紛爭的領土,中國也應該去找與該領土有關的當事國交涉及承認才有國際法效果。強迫無關的第三國承認是毫無意義。

說得中國外交部啞口無言,十億口莫辨。自此之後,中國只能嘴巴嚷嚷,不敢再要求加拿大承認台灣是中國的領土。

論理充分...提出理由的加拿大外交部老兄顯然受過嚴謹邏輯訓練... ...


amway541541 發表在 痞客邦 留言(3) 人氣()

格桑花時節,坦克來灌頂
◎ 茉 莉
● 被剝奪了話語權的藏民族詩人用詩表達他們的哀傷、痛苦、悲憤,覆述了一個民族的集體記憶。


  孔子說:「不學詩,無以言。」在西藏發生騷亂的時候,我把孔子的這句話引申一下:如果不讀一些西藏當代的地下詩歌和流亡詩歌,我們就不能理解這次事件廣泛的社會歷史背景、深層心理因素及其因果關係。

  前幾天,我在網上讀到一位筆名「安然」的藏人寫的一首詩。這首題為《為了自由懷念》的小詩,一開頭就把我震住了:

  「格桑花開的時節, 坦克前來灌頂。」

  如此精妙地畫龍點睛,把藏區喋血的直接原因給指出來了。正是陽春三月,無邊的大草原上,金黃的格桑花──藏人象徵愛與吉祥的聖潔之花,燦爛地開放了。三月十日西藏人民抗暴紀念日之時,拉薩等地寺院的喇嘛舉行和平的抗議遊行穿著絳紅色袈裟的喇嘛們走出來示威,就像格桑花迎春開放一樣,是綠色高原的一道自然風景。

  然而荷槍實彈的坦克開過來,和平示威的喇嘛被中國軍警包圍、毆打和逮捕。作者把當局出動坦克的兇狠鎮壓,比擬為「灌頂」。在藏傳佛教中,灌頂是一種重要的宗教儀式,一般是活佛高僧用手、法器或哈達觸摸信眾的頭頂,為善信祈福。而口口聲聲尊重宗教自由的中共當局,竟然用坦克給藏人「灌頂」,這是多麼強烈而辛辣的諷刺啊!

點燃一盞酥油燈 我們去遊行

  「詩可以興,可以觀,可以群,可以怨。」按照孔子的詩學觀去觀察現實,我們可以說,今天在西藏發生的衝突,具有某種必然性。
   自一九八九年三月西藏發生騷亂之後,在達賴喇嘛的和平主義思想的影響之下,西藏境內有過近二十年的平靜。但是,繼續在西藏實行大漢族主義的政治高壓政策,令許多西藏人的忍耐達到了極限。他們早就在詩裡吟誦著:

  「見過素樸的雪/塗著無辜的血/見過數百萬人 /在他們自己的土地上無家可歸/以劇痛的眼睛目擊諸佛的土地/被紅色皮靴踐踏。」(丹真格勒《風馬》)

  「藏人的每一把刀子/都被禱告的念珠的沉重手銬銬住!/每個年輕藏人的右手都有一尊佛像,/或神秘或並不神秘,或雲遮霧掩或雲消霧散,/但左手依舊捏緊拳頭!」(丹真嘉吾《幾句心裡話》)

  「請點燃一盞酥油燈我們去遊行 /狂風吹不滅酥油燈/暴雨濕不透酥油燈/遊行時可以笑,可以哭/遊行時可以活,可以死甚至可以瘋。」(才旦嘉《 點燃一盞酥油燈我們去遊行》)

  這類詩歌,筆者在傅正明的《詩從雪域來》以及他主編的《西藏流亡詩選》裡讀過不少。這是西藏詩人詩歌表達的抗議。


難民是魚,政府是燒紅的油鍋

  在境內藏人開始遊行的同時,流亡印度的西藏人在抗暴四十九周年紀念日,以和平遊行方式前往西藏邊境,抗議中共的武力佔領。十年前,筆者曾經在印度達蘭薩拉訪問達賴喇嘛,並參加西藏紀念活動,體會到,在漫長的流亡中,境外藏人的悲情。

  「詩緣情」是詩歌藝術的本質特點。西藏流亡詩人不少是吟詠風謠,流連哀思者。讀他們悽愴哀絕的詩歌,我們就能理解,他們為何要冒著危險徒步回鄉。

  丹真宗智的〈我的西藏特色〉一詩,表達了許多在異國出生的藏族年輕人的心願:

  「我是西藏人。/但我不是來自西藏。/從來沒去過那裡。/我卻夢見/死在那裡。

  果洛里加的〈冷冷結局〉一詩,表達了許多逃亡印度的藏族青年的無奈與堅持:

  「命中註定 /你要成為別人的新娘/我將選擇無悔的遠方。」

  有的流亡詩人把自己比作西藏的蒲公英,「在陌生的草地漫無目的漂泊,在那裡默默零落成泥。」有的流亡詩人呼號著:「夏貢拉雪山啊!難道你一點也不憐憫,你腳下途步跋涉的人們?」即使在西方國家定居下來,流亡詩人仍然宣誓:「我的心將死在美國,我的魂將活在西藏。」

  然而,儘管這些詩歌令人動容,卻打不動中國專制者的心。丹真嘉吾在〈流浪者的隨筆〉一詩,如此形容中共當局與流亡藏人的關係:難民是漏網的魚,政府是燒紅的油鍋。



● 著名西藏流亡詩人丹增尊珠。


詩言志,弱小民族崛起的預言

  前不久,筆者在接受英國BBC的採訪時說:如果北京繼續拖延同達賴喇嘛的談判,導致藏人激進派抬頭,這將使西藏成為一座火山。這不是危言聳聽,而是本人從西藏詩歌中讀出來的危機感。

  詩學歷來有「賦詩言志」所謂傳統,「志」包括記憶、記錄和懷抱。不少西藏地下詩歌感時詠史,覆述了一個民族的集體記憶。前面提到的作者「安然」,在這次西藏抗議活動中,他看到「無數的手臂從地面長出,張向風雨如晦的天空。」之後,向南方走去:

  「於是我來到大山身邊/尋求慰藉/大山突然放開它響雷般的歌喉/以誦經樣的莊嚴 /講述我們民族的歷史。/那荒疏的母語/是格薩爾王的故國、/蓮花生大士的度亡經,/是倉央嘉措只念給一個人聽的愛情詩。」

  除了回憶藏族悠遠的古代歷史,西藏地下詩歌也記錄中共入藏後的血腥暴行。果洛里加的這首詩,表達了一代年輕藏人存留於心的屈辱感:

  「昨天錯過了當兵的機會/敵人的刺刀 /殺死了我們。/腳踩著懊悔的屍體,說:/ 瞧!/這是奴隸。」

  他們因此傾吐自己視死如歸的懷抱:

  「尊嚴是生命捨出去的回扣/朋友們!/死即挽留尊嚴的出路。」(安樂業《淘金者的尊嚴──獄中進行第二次絕食那天作》)

  西藏最著名的詩人端智嘉,在自殺之前留下名作〈此地也有一顆跳蕩的心〉。他在詩中回顧了西藏民族的歷史風雲,表達了生命中最後的期望:

  「人們希冀的水蒸氣無疑會騰上天空,

  雪域聲威的藍雲無疑將從南方升起,

  那些漂泊異域和廝守故土的人們,

  境內的藏人和流亡的藏人

  都將奮發崛起。」

  這就不是單純的以泄憤懣、舒瀉愁思的詩歌了,而是一個弱小民族要崛起的預言。前幾天瑞典電視台播送了這樣一個鏡頭:上千名甘肅藏人騎著駿馬,呼嘯疾馳而去,最後在一所學校升起了西藏的雪山獅子旗。今天藏區各地的頑強抵抗,在詩歌裡早就預言過了。

  很遺憾,中國古代統治者尚有采詩制度,用以「觀風俗,知得失,自考正也」,而當今中國的統治者卻是一群不肖子孫,他們不讀詩也不反省,只會憑藉強權一味欺壓弱小,橫蠻地激發民族矛盾。這次喋血悲劇的發生,表明中共治藏政策的徹底失敗。

二○○八年三月二十五日



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用行動改變台灣----台灣人沒有悲觀的權力

蕭錫惠
nupace@yahoo.com
917-338-1598 (until 4-9-2008)
0968-925-698

台灣人沒有悲觀的權力,民主不是天上掉下來的,
也不必期待有誰會為台灣人帶來公義的民主,人性的自私會扭曲一切.

民主的社會有一個最珍貴的自由----人民有集會及結社之自由。.
而這正是民主力量的最大及最基礎來源,如果人民不參與結社或集會,
最後權利就會被扭曲,被政黨或有嚴密組織的團體把持,
真理被金錢扭曲
在台灣的這一次選舉,更是赤裸裸的彰顯出來.

台灣人沒有悲觀的權力與時間,行動是改變的唯一方法.
你---就是那位推動的最重要推手.

請您,立刻打電話或用e-mail 邀請幾位友人(3至10位皆可)大家在家中或方便的地方聚會,組成一個小組,談談未來四年,我們可以做什麼,選出一個小組長,互相定期聯絡(每月最少一次).一來確認時勢及正確消息傳播,一來互相聯繫以防有人被迫害而被各個擊破,

擔任小組長的人,自己尋找其他小組長,幾個小組互相聯絡整合,共同推薦或連署小組召集人.

擔任組員的也要繼續積極聯絡其它人,成立新的小組,一組組的連續成立,台灣海內外我們有500多萬票,就是500多萬個堅定的台灣人.

我們只是沒有組織而已,只要組織起來,絕對是一股巨大的力量,台灣是我們自己的土地,我們唯有自己站出來保護自己,
請不要等待別人出來帶領,
你就是那份核心價值,核心力量.

這種由下而上產生的代表及力量才是真正的改革動力.

請您今天就開始行動,拿起您的電話,邀幾個親朋好友開始您的行動.

聖經說:「世人哪,耶和華已指示你何為善。祂向你所要的是甚麼呢?只要你行公義,好憐憫,存謙卑的心,與你的上帝同行。」(

蕭錫惠
nupace@yahoo.com
917-338-1598 (until 4-9-2008)
0968-925-698


照片集(雙擊放大全尺寸)

     

    

 

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2008總統大選後總檢討 系列之二

陳總統要為失去政權負最大責任

2008年的台灣總統大選,並非國民黨拿出什麼感動人民的政見,或黨內有徹底的改革展現除舊佈新的氣象,來贏得這場選戰,而是民進黨自己把政權輸掉了。我們認為陳水扁總統應該為此次敗選負最大的責任。
2000年及2004年,人民選擇由民進黨來執政,是期望民進黨政府是一個有能力且清廉的政府。但這兩點皆使人民失望,進而對民進黨不滿,最後用選票把民進黨拉下台。
先從清廉談起,總統身的親戚,包括總統夫人,總統的女婿,皆被起訴,被列為2006年世界十大醜聞之一,這是不可原諒的重大失措。我們固然不相信總統會貪污區區一千多萬元,但身為總統夫人,買賣股票,收SOGO的禮券,拿鑽石的收據去報國務機要費等皆為不應該的事。其原因不外是貪小便宜或是愚蠢。總統一再辯解夫人因半身不遂,行動不便,所以讓她玩玩股票,而且,夫人在總統身邊,一定會有一些一般人所不會有的資訊,會造成不公平的競爭,不管有沒有利用這些資訊去賺錢,皆會被人詬病。再者,民進黨有許多政務官被起訴,固然有些如謝清志等我們很清楚他們是無辜的,但是有些人貪污腐化也是事實。總之,掌大權後,民進黨人腐化之快, 使人民看不下去。
最令人感嘆的事是扁政府的無能。八年來我們看不到施政的藍圖,除了完成在國民黨時代已規劃的幾個大工程,如雪山遂道、高鐵等,其他的政績實在有限,國家的遠景在那裡?有什麼建設性的規劃?這些問題我們看不到答案。
支持民進黨最出力的低收入勞工階級,這些人把民進黨推上執政的舞台,但民進黨政府對他們有什麼樣的照顧?
再者,我們看不到持續性的政策,陳總統總是話說得太多,真正做的事少,喜歡操作議題,沒有施政方針,八年來換六位行政院長,每個院長上台都有一肚子抱負,但轉眼間又下台了,這如何能使政策延續下去呢?
我們的結論是:民進黨政府的無能與腐化,是這次總統大選敗選的主因。而責任就在陳總統身上。

美洲台灣日報 編輯部

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..............


 


 



2008總統大選後總檢討 系列之三

向五百四十四萬的台灣人民致敬

2008年台灣總統大選是一次非常不公平的選舉。第一,台灣媒體已無恥到完全不顧應有的公平性,以壓倒性的多數支持馬英九,盡力為馬英九包裝,打擊綠營,遇到藍營有過失則盡力掩護,綠營過失則盡力放大。第二,國民黨動員一切力量輔選,其中包括司法的扭曲,例如馬英九將特支費直接匯入自己的帳戶而可判無罪,真是令人不服。第三,國民黨應用龐大的黨產,以舖天蓋地式的媒體廣告來為馬英九助選。其中有些廣告內容並非事實,但綠營缺錢,無力反擊。
在這麼不公平的環境下,加上民進黨政府的政績不佳,但仍有五百四十四萬的台灣人民投票支持民進黨,真是令人心慰。這五百四十多萬人願意給民進黨再一次的機會,就是希望台灣能夠成為一個獨立的國家,不再重蹈歷史覆轍,不要讓二二八事件重演,讓台灣真正有正義公理的民主政治,讓子孫們能自由自在地在這塊土地生存下去。而這五百四十多萬人也包括從海外趕回去投票的鄉親們,大家要互相勉勵,不讓一次選舉的失敗而喪失了鬥志。
這五百四十多萬人就是台灣本土派的鐵票,也就是民進黨反攻的基本力量。四年後,輪到國民黨背負執政包袱,綠營只要再得到一百五十萬人的支持,就有翻盤的機會,可以再次掌權執政。
這次選舉,民進黨只在二個年齡層得到勝利,一是六十歲以上,另一是二十歲至三十歲的選民。六十歲以上者,經歷二二八及白色恐怖,對國民黨本質有充分的瞭解。二十歲至三十歲者,能有多數支持民進黨,是民進黨寶費的資產,希望民進黨能儘快完成世代交替,讓這些年青人發揮出他們的力量。
為民進黨保存基本力量,做為將來反攻的本錢,這五百四十四萬人值得我們致敬。

美洲台灣日報 編輯部


 

..

..............民進黨敗在哪裡?
■ 林進國


民進黨立委、總統大輸,有人說因為國民黨有錢有組織,甚至黨內同志怪罪排藍民調或陳總統所造成的敗因。針對這樣的說法,身為基層黨員無法完全認同。民進黨之所以能夠從黨外邁向執政,本來就不是依靠錢與組織,靠的是人民認同並願參與的理念,與帶頭身先士卒衝撞極權統治的眾多前輩所打下來的基礎。黨內同志要檢討敗選原因請關起門來好好反省,不需敲鑼打鼓隨媒體起舞放話攻擊,在同志背後捅刀的清高者可考慮退黨後再去大放厥詞,選舉失敗全體執政同志都有責任,應該列隊向所有支持者公開道歉,列舉下列敗選原因供民進黨參考反省。

(一)立委、總統大選是團結的國民黨擊敗不團結的民進黨,看看國民黨後援組織積極及應變能力相對於民進黨的僵化被動,選舉結果可想而知。

(二)執政八年對於黨外理想之落實,堅持太少,妥協太多,支持者的期待失望、熱情退卻。

(三)執政八年與基層缺乏互動及意見溝通管道,下情不能上達,與基層民意漸行漸遠。

(四)四二六連戰訪中機場事件,放縱無力處理TVBS及紅衫軍,政府公權不彰,民眾感受不到政府存在。

(五)執政八年黨內無法安內攘外,從政同志經常隨著政敵與媒體放話攻擊執政同志,執政的台灣人不團結,支持者心在滴血。(作者為民進黨黨員

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2008總統大選後總檢討 系列之四

民進黨應以太平天國為鑑

1851年清朝統治中國已有二百多年,政治腐政,民心思變,太平天國應聲而起。起義之始,洪秀全、楊秀清等人應用新戰術,每戰必勝,士氣興旺,不久就佔領南京城。在這個關鍵時刻,領導者犯了一個致命的錯誤;沒有乘勢打到北京,顛覆清朝。反而在南京建都,領導者個個封王,貪圖安逸,銳氣盡失。後來王與王之間更相互傾軋,使太平天國走向滅亡。
公元二千年,國民黨統治台灣五十多年,政治腐敗,民心思變,台灣人民把民進黨推上執政的舞台。但國民黨並未被打倒,仍擁有國會多數。八年內民進黨沒有能力利用執政優勢來爭取立法院的多數,完成真正的政黨輪替,徹底打倒國民黨,反而在2008年被國民黨奪回政權。
這兩個故事是不是有相似之處?太平天國有天王及東、西、南、北王。民進黨也有四大天王。太平天國佔領了中國的半壁江山,就失去了統一全中國的鬥志。民進黨得到政權後,並未積極謀取立法院的多數,這也是民進黨與國民黨競爭中最大的失策。
民進黨絕對有機會在立法院過半。其一,如謝長廷所說的,可以利用行政資源喬過半,上二屆的立法院藍綠相差不多,在十位以內。喬過半不是很容易,但可以做到。
其二,2004年藍營不甘總統選舉敗北,吵吵鬧鬧地在總統府廣場示威遊行,連續數月,弄得不得民心,國民黨的支持率降至谷底。2004年的立法委員選舉大家都看好綠營過半,但是心胸狹小的陳水扁總統,未能與台聯妥協,同心合力打贏選戰,反而在最後關頭,喊出正名制憲,意圖佔領深綠板塊。深綠當時是台聯的領域,因此造成與台聯決裂。民進黨也因走向深綠而失去中間選票,在這次選戰中敗北。此次選舉是陳水扁總統把贏局輸掉了,是一個不可原諒的失誤。
試想,如立法院能過半,多少事可因此而解,如鳥籠公投案,國民黨黨產的清理等都可以解決。民進黨實在痛失良機。
還好,民進黨與太平天國最大不同之處是,一直在支持本土勢力的基本盤並未潰散,五百四十多萬的選民仍然支持民進黨。我們檢討過去,希望不要重蹈覆轍,我們也鼓勵大家向前走。政黨輪替是民主政治的常態,大家一齊努力,早日把政權奪回來。

美洲台灣日報 編輯部
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總統大選雖已圓滿落幕十來天,但朝野的激化反應後遺症仍然暗潮洶湧。
國民黨在拿下政權後,除了泛藍選民及統派媒體全力造神美化馬英九外,這位「美國人的爸爸」也秋後算帳大舉興訟,一口氣針對綠營在選舉期間的批評言論,鎖定廿餘位提出告訴,企圖在登上總統寶座之前殺雞儆猴,預先製造寒蟬氣氛,總算讓人見識到原形畢露後的外來族群之真實面目。
相較於得意忘形的國民黨嘴臉,落敗的泛綠陣營及其選民,則是顯得人心惶惶,因此,黨內的派系發生互推責任或「嫁禍」給阿扁總統之禍起蕭墻行徑,自是人性本能的反射動作,不足為怪;反倒是「海洋之聲」電台廖姓台長,因對時局絕望懷憂喪志而自焚的現象,才是當下必須正視的課題!因為,自殺行為具有感染力,它所造成的社會問題也相當棘手,所以如何遏阻這股歪風蔓延,成為民進黨政府政黨輪替前的當務之急。
對於綠營內部所瀰漫的低迷不振現狀,尤其是方興未艾的想不開情形,希望全國各界多關懷一下周遭的親友,如果發現略有異狀,必須立刻加以疏導,因為「救人一命,勝造七級浮屠」,民進黨好歹仍有五百四十多萬選民支持,台灣濁水溪以南也有七縣市的執政版圖!試想,西藏流亡政府被迫離鄉背井,仍在据隅奮鬥不懈,則安居樂業於寶島的台灣人又怎會有悲觀的權利呢?
特別值得一提的是,因為領導北京天安門事件而受到全球重視的王丹,他曾於總統大選前來台實地觀察,對於綠營受到重挫之打擊,表達旁觀者清的看法,在他的「燭光雖弱,仍是光明」文章,獨具慧眼披露他此行最大的收穫與讓他感動的事,就是那群從大年初一自屏東出發的「逆風前進,最愛台灣」行腳團!他們走了廿二天之久,一步一腳印踏過五百多公里旅程,讓外界深刻感受到本土青年「風愈大,愈向前行」的堅苦卓絕之韌性特質!
其實,「逆風行腳團」不只感動了中國民運領袖王丹,同時也喚醒了台灣內部政治冷漠之網路部落格的眾多版主,他們在民進黨敗選後開始串連來延續「逆風精神」,這種化悲憤為力量的情形,消極面是發揮互相取暖打氣,積極面則是重整旗鼓光復河山,讓熱愛斯土斯民者的香火不致熄滅。
今天(06/04)是「逆風行腳團」啟程兩個月的日子,中午12:00在台北故宮附近的大豐花園餐廳( 02-28412046 )將舉辦餐敘與座談,歡迎各界出席為行腳團打氣,也為台灣前途打拼再出發!!( 蔡漢勳 )
燭光雖弱,仍是光明
-----致逆風行腳的青年朋友們    ◎王丹
來台灣觀察2008年總統選舉,我本來沒有打算會被感動的。見過太多的媒體炒作,密室協商,話語煽動,以及爾虞我詐,在政治這個領域,我已經對被感動這件事情沒有奢望了。
然而,我必須說,這次來看選舉,我最大的收穫,就是終於被感動到了。而讓我感動的,就是你們,參加逆風行腳的青年朋友們。我回到美國的第一件事,就是想寫這封信給你們,想向你們表達我的敬意和感激,感謝你們讓我看到了政治中美好的一面。
我希望你們知道,從二二八逆風行腳我跟著你們從板橋出發,到中山足球場上看到你們集體向人民鞠躬,從三一六百萬人擊掌你們帶隊前行,到三二二開票之夜看到你們淚流滿面,你們的年輕面龐,你們的熱情激昂,都在在讓我無比感動。我必須承認,當我看到你們從屏東走到台北的錄影帶的時候,和很多人一樣,我被你們感動到流下了眼淚。這次選舉,從結果來看,七百多萬人勝利,五百多萬人失敗,但是我認為,站在歷史的高度上看,真正的勝利者是你們!勝敗不是終極價值所在,理想才是我們的共同追求,當我們年輕的時候,誰不想有這樣的一次為了理想而熱情的機會呢?從這個意義上講,你們成功地激發了本來並不關心政治的年輕族群的政治熱情,這就是最大的勝利,我為你們感到無比的驕傲。
選舉結果出來的那天晚上,我在現場看到你們的眼淚和悲傷,心中跟你們一樣難過。我難過的並不是選舉的結果,畢竟,政黨輪替是民主的內容之一,畢竟,民進黨的失利,主要的責任還在民進黨自己。我的難過,是為了你們。在我的心中,並沒有把你們看做藍綠陣營的棋子。我知道,你們其實並沒有強烈的政黨色彩,你們站出來,是出於對民主自由的熱愛和關切。我更認為,你們的參與,是台灣社會的寶貴財富,你們的熱情,是台灣民主發展最重要的基石。我很不願意看到你們因為他們的選舉勝負,而失去剛剛激發出來的熱情,我更不想看到的,是你們因為一次選舉的結果,而對民主的價值產生懷疑。
我希望你們知道,民主不是政黨和政治人物的專利。如果我們放棄,民主就會淪為他們的工具。如果我們真的對民主寄託希望,唯一的辦法,就是加入進來,用我們的新鮮血液讓民主不要偏離基本價值。我希望你們知道,熱情是一時的,很快就會沉澱,真正的使命感要在不放棄的決心中慢慢凝聚。民主運動,最大的利器就是堅持,就是韌性,就是「風愈大,愈向前行」的精神。我希望你們知道,感動人心的力量是這次選舉得來不易的成果,你們有責任保護這個成果,不要讓它在一時的挫敗之後逐漸渙散。
燭光雖弱,仍是光明。社會需要青年人的政治熱情,希望你們不要放棄。我等著被你們再次感動。(02/04/2008 自由副刊)

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大家明白了嗎?這世界是沒有天理的!


海洋之聲廖述炘自焚 綠營議員籲支持者冷靜 2008/04/02 18:25:21

(中央社記者王定傳、羅廣仁台北二日電))「海洋之聲電台」台北台台長廖述炘今天凌晨自焚身亡,台北市議員蔡坤龍與海洋之聲電台召開記者會,呼籲綠營支持者冷靜,選舉已結束,應放下激情,冷靜面對未來,千萬不要有類似的行為發生。海洋之聲執行長張志梅則認為:「廖述炘自焚是鄭南榕爭取言論自由再版」。

中略....

張志梅表示,海洋之聲多年來爭取台灣人的言論自由,並為「建國」發聲,但受到NCC多次打壓,他揣測廖述炘是因為不滿總統選舉結果,所以用激烈的行動表達抗議並控訴政府限制言論自由的不公行為。

林志昇認為,NCC多次以賣假藥為名,將海洋之聲移送法院,致使電台每次都要損失一百多萬元,再加上選舉綠營選舉大敗,廖述炘眼見建國無望,於是以激烈的行動控訴政府不公。



這是今天凌晨發生的事。當我看到這則新聞時,第一個想到的,就是鄉愿台灣人經常說的一句話.....「人在做,天在看!」

是嗎?天真的在看嗎?都已經到這種時候了,大家還相信天真的有在看嗎?

如果天真的有在看的話,為什麼會讓謝長廷這樣一個為追求台灣民主,甚至因此曾被迫拋家棄子的人,居然會在民主的選舉之中,輸給了一個為獨裁者工作,害得留學生回不了台灣的人?

如果天真的有在看的話,為什麼會讓為追求台灣民主,因而終身得坐在輪椅上的吳淑珍,僅僅為了配合審計部的查核意見幫忙搜集發票,好將國務機要費領出來用在公務上的行為,被迫站上法庭還要全程轉播好讓眾人羞辱?

如果天真的有在看的話,為什麼會讓明明就把高雄市整個改頭換面的謝長廷,在選總統時就連高雄市得票數還是輸給了那個連台北市政都搞不好的馬英九?

如果天真的有在看的話,為什麼會讓明明就把台北縣整個動起來的蘇貞昌,在選總統時還是連台北縣的得票數都輸給了馬蕭?

如果天真的有在看的話,為什麼會讓國民黨可以用盡取之於民的不義之財,好獲得民主選舉的勝利?

如果天真的有在看的話,為什麼會讓台灣民眾至今仍得花錢,維護那個殺人如麻的獨裁者的屍身?

如果天真的有在看的話,為什麼會讓公然說謊的媒體仍自在橫行?

人在做天在看?

幹!

我現在在這裏這可以告訴大家!這世界是沒有天理的!不要再坐在那裏奢望什麼天理了!人在做天在看?放屁!

什麼是天?我現在在這裏告訴大家,在民主社會裏,我們自己就是天啦!如果大家期待這世上真有天理的話,那就要有成為天的決心!這才能夠以自身言行昭現天理!

身在民主社會之中,如果大家沒有成為天的決心的話,那就準備一輩子仰望那個永遠不可能實現的天理吧!


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2008年3月22日,星期六,我永遠都會記得這天!

當天下午到投票所看開票,不到四點半就傷心地離開。因為2004總統選舉打平的票所,卻成了六四比。期間,朋友也打電話告訴我這情況,我遂不帶任何表情地回家,準備參加晚間八時開始的玫瑰堂復活節彌撒,期待看朋友受洗的喜悅而忘卻悲傷的情緒。

電視、報紙與網路盡是新總統的消息,或平實、或吹捧、或看衰、或看好,但與我何干?我只想過著日出而做、日落而息的生活,帝力與我何哉阿。靜下心情與定下方向後,專注於應該完成的課業、翻譯著認為不錯的外電,也寫點讀書心得和心情隨想。

只是,今夜知道堅持信念、勇於實踐的阿勇廖述炘自焚後,選後到今日一直刻意保持平靜的情緒突然沸騰。為什麼?廖先生為什麼要自焚?鄭楠榕時代不是已經過去了?為什麼還要用這種最激烈的方式明志?不僅有太多的疑惑,更多的情緒是我不願意有的忿恨。

先讓我們為廖述炘先生默禱。

仰賴著眾民主前輩與鬥士的努力、鮮血和生命,台灣成為自由國度的島嶼,已經生根的民主選舉制度是給我們年輕一輩最好的禮物。廖述炘先生堅定追求台灣獨立建國,不畏政治勢力打壓的決心,今日以最激烈的方式表明心志,奉獻給一生所追求的理想。吾人必謹記廖先生的死諫,再次敲醒保衛自由、民主與尊嚴的良知,讓民主前輩與鬥士的事蹟懸在心頭,願吾輩將追求正義道路的重重險阻,化為不斷擊敗挑戰的再生力量。也請廖先生遺族保重,原諒這激烈的明志手段。

這讓我想起無數爭取民主、自由與人權的歷史。本以為台灣已經走入民主深化的階段,各種言論可以大鳴大放而無所畏懼,無須擔憂政治力量、經濟力量或社會力量的壓迫。今日卻見到廖述炘先生自焚,也許這是身為民主先知的必然重擔。因為比起我們,他預見到許多未來的悲劇,或許是黨國幽魂重新復辟、或許是民主時程不住後退,也或許是台灣獨立建國無望。

其實,忿恨是我現在最真實的情緒,無須隱瞞也無須自責。願以下的內容僅是警醒的文句,永遠不會降臨早已承受過太多悲劇的台灣。台灣是個矛盾的自由國度,許多人「對權力毫無戒心」,就算是五百年一見的道德聖人也可能無法躲過權力的誘惑,更不可能絕對地約束現代科層體制政府的所有成員。選民們信任固定的選舉時程,認為政黨輪替是必然的,這無可厚非。然而,對新政府約束的力量:反對黨、第四權、社會力量與各種團體,卻已經渺小到可被忽略在政治決策體制之外。

簡言之,台灣島嶼對權力的最後一分戒慎恐懼,在這次選舉嚴重挫敗後蕩然無存。更甚者,台灣或許將步入新加坡的政治體系,這意味著身而為人的自由權利將可能被剝奪,而多為投機份子西瓜派的台灣人,將因寒蟬效應而讓得來不易的自由漸次毀滅。

我看到「亞洲價值」將重新籠罩台灣的穹頂。以家父長制這絕對權威為核心的亞洲價值,追求的是講倫理的政治運作、有次序的經濟發展和重和諧的社會關係。然而,為了追求這些價值,從新加坡這最明顯的例子而言,看到了放棄對人性的尊重、對差異性的包容、對自由選擇的權利。民主選舉制度僅僅是象徵性的,目的在於紓解對政治參與和改革的宣洩。

這迥異於西方的民主精神。以基督教文化為基礎的西方世界,承認任何人生來都有原罪,這種幽黯意識不相信人類可以免於權力的誘惑,因此以民主制度為手段,佐以權力制衡與法制精神,保障人民免於政治權力的壓迫。只是這體系仍在發展中,因為免於經濟和社會權力的壓迫尚未完整。就算是這樣,西方的這套制度在理論與實踐,確實可以保障人民的自由:選擇的自由。

問題是,民主精神深入台灣各個角落了嗎?廖述炘先生看到這個問題了,少數人也看到這個問題了,但是更多數的人卻將在失去選擇的自由後,才看到這個問題。但願我所言都是虛幻,是假的,讓事實證實我是個騙子,只是個杞人憂天的不自量力者。

廖述炘先生的勇氣與人格,我相信,是絕大多數人無法望其項背的。捍衛言論自由與廢除不當刑法而自焚的鄭楠榕,在基層協助社會運動並看守弱勢者而自焚的詹益樺,他們也用肉身喚醒台灣民主種籽的嫩芽。

這種勇氣與人格,我都沒有。我只能臣服於忿恨,這最低調卻最悲傷的情緒。但願賜予平靜的心,明朝日出後化悲傷為前進的力量;願賜予謙卑的心,不因恩賜的智慧而驕傲;願賜予憐憫的心,讓我能以同理心了解台灣人民的選擇。

2008年4月2日,因著廖述炘先生的死而亮。這只是開始,追尋正義的另一個起點。

 







2008年3月22日,星期六,我永遠都會記得這天!

當天下午到投票所看開票,不到四點半就傷心地離開。因為2004總統選舉打平的票所,卻成了六四比。期間,朋友也打電話告訴我這情況,我遂不帶任何表情地回家,準備參加晚間八時開始的玫瑰堂復活節彌撒,期待看朋友受洗的喜悅而忘卻悲傷的情緒。

電視、報紙與網路盡是新總統的消息,或平實、或吹捧、或看衰、或看好,但與我何干?我只想過著日出而做、日落而息的生活,帝力與我何哉阿。靜下心情與定下方向後,專注於應該完成的課業、翻譯著認為不錯的外電,也寫點讀書心得和心情隨想。

只是,今夜知道堅持信念、勇於實踐的阿勇廖述炘自焚後,選後到今日一直刻意保持平靜的情緒突然沸騰。為什麼?廖先生為什麼要自焚?鄭楠榕時代不是已經過去了?為什麼還要用這種最激烈的方式明志?不僅有太多的疑惑,更多的情緒是我不願意有的忿恨。

先讓我們為廖述炘先生默禱。

仰賴著眾民主前輩與鬥士的努力、鮮血和生命,台灣成為自由國度的島嶼,已經生根的民主選舉制度是給我們年輕一輩最好的禮物。廖述炘先生堅定追求台灣獨立建國,不畏政治勢力打壓的決心,今日以最激烈的方式表明心志,奉獻給一生所追求的理想。吾人必謹記廖先生的死諫,再次敲醒保衛自由、民主與尊嚴的良知,讓民主前輩與鬥士的事蹟懸在心頭,願吾輩將追求正義道路的重重險阻,化為不斷擊敗挑戰的再生力量。也請廖先生遺族保重,原諒這激烈的明志手段。

這讓我想起無數爭取民主、自由與人權的歷史。本以為台灣已經走入民主深化的階段,各種言論可以大鳴大放而無所畏懼,無須擔憂政治力量、經濟力量或社會力量的壓迫。今日卻見到廖述炘先生自焚,也許這是身為民主先知的必然重擔。因為比起我們,他預見到許多未來的悲劇,或許是黨國幽魂重新復辟、或許是民主時程不住後退,也或許是台灣獨立建國無望。

其實,忿恨是我現在最真實的情緒,無須隱瞞也無須自責。願以下的內容僅是警醒的文句,永遠不會降臨早已承受過太多悲劇的台灣。台灣是個矛盾的自由國度,許多人「對權力毫無戒心」,就算是五百年一見的道德聖人也可能無法躲過權力的誘惑,更不可能絕對地約束現代科層體制政府的所有成員。選民們信任固定的選舉時程,認為政黨輪替是必然的,這無可厚非。然而,對新政府約束的力量:反對黨、第四權、社會力量與各種團體,卻已經渺小到可被忽略在政治決策體制之外。

簡言之,台灣島嶼對權力的最後一分戒慎恐懼,在這次選舉嚴重挫敗後蕩然無存。更甚者,台灣或許將步入新加坡的政治體系,這意味著身而為人的自由權利將可能被剝奪,而多為投機份子西瓜派的台灣人,將因寒蟬效應而讓得來不易的自由漸次毀滅。

我看到「亞洲價值」將重新籠罩台灣的穹頂。以家父長制這絕對權威為核心的亞洲價值,追求的是講倫理的政治運作、有次序的經濟發展和重和諧的社會關係。然而,為了追求這些價值,從新加坡這最明顯的例子而言,看到了放棄對人性的尊重、對差異性的包容、對自由選擇的權利。民主選舉制度僅僅是象徵性的,目的在於紓解對政治參與和改革的宣洩。

這迥異於西方的民主精神。以基督教文化為基礎的西方世界,承認任何人生來都有原罪,這種幽黯意識不相信人類可以免於權力的誘惑,因此以民主制度為手段,佐以權力制衡與法制精神,保障人民免於政治權力的壓迫。只是這體系仍在發展中,因為免於經濟和社會權力的壓迫尚未完整。就算是這樣,西方的這套制度在理論與實踐,確實可以保障人民的自由:選擇的自由。

問題是,民主精神深入台灣各個角落了嗎?廖述炘先生看到這個問題了,少數人也看到這個問題了,但是更多數的人卻將在失去選擇的自由後,才看到這個問題。但願我所言都是虛幻,是假的,讓事實證實我是個騙子,只是個杞人憂天的不自量力者。

廖述炘先生的勇氣與人格,我相信,是絕大多數人無法望其項背的。捍衛言論自由與廢除不當刑法而自焚的鄭楠榕,在基層協助社會運動並看守弱勢者而自焚的詹益樺,他們也用肉身喚醒台灣民主種籽的嫩芽。

這種勇氣與人格,我都沒有。我只能臣服於忿恨,這最低調卻最悲傷的情緒。但願賜予平靜的心,明朝日出後化悲傷為前進的力量;願賜予謙卑的心,不因恩賜的智慧而驕傲;願賜予憐憫的心,讓我能以同理心了解台灣人民的選擇。

2008年4月2日,因著廖述炘先生的死而亮。這只是開始,追尋正義的另一個起點。

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揭穿馬英九偽造履歷!兼論謝長廷三大勝選謀略


[轉載自:德川三河魂]


[德川三河魂]於2008-02-21 08:03:58上傳[4]






這是一篇很長的文章,但非常值得看!
請一邊欣賞音樂一邊看完這文章.




揭穿馬英九偽造履歷!兼論謝長廷三大勝選謀略

德川三河魂

馬英九接二連三出包出糗後,許多親朋好友三天兩頭問我:你們哈佛到底怎麼教的?你們在哈佛都學些什麼?白賊、作秀、貪污、還是不穿內褲?你們哈佛是不是學店,連「馬文才」也能拿博士?

有馬英九這樣「攏是假」的學長,豈止我個人深感羞愧,更是哈佛大學創校三百年來不世出的校門恥辱。今天揭穿馬英九偽造履歷並向謝長廷進言三大勝選謀略,不敢說替哈佛清理門戶,但求為母校亡羊補牢、將功折罪罷了。二十幾年前哈佛大學輕率地將法學博士頒給來路不明(包括整個入學及求學過程)又學術成果匱乏的馬英九(除了純粹寫給自己爽的「釣魚台爭議」論文,沒有任何的期刊發表),又怎知這個欺上瞞下的逆徒將如何濫用哈佛的光環,一路竄升直至禍害兩百萬台北市民、兩千萬台灣人民!


攏是假的人生 攏是假的履歷

一路走來攏總是假的馬英九,問題當然不只綠卡、國籍、股票、獻金、特別費‧‧‧近六十年人生的每一部份,可說全由投機、算計、謊言堆砌而成。眾所周知,馬英九起初以港澳僑生的身份聯考加分擠進建中台大,又拿專為黨國權貴子弟提供的中山獎學金去紐約大學唸碩士,最後再循特殊途徑混入哈佛(以後有時間另撰一文詳述,不過大家用腳頭膚想也知道,照稿唸新年祝文都會唸錯,憑實力進得了哈佛嗎?)

接下來根據馬英九自己公佈的履歷,博士畢業前後他曾在波士頓第一銀行任法律顧問(1980-81),在馬里蘭大學法學院任研究顧問(1981),以及在紐約華爾街柯爾迪茲律師事務所任實習律師(1981)。許多人都覺得這裏頭疑雲重重:除了柯爾迪茲律所的「暑期見習」(Summer Associate)勉強說得過去,其它兩個頭銜卻來得太神奇了!一個沒有律師執照又學術發表欠奉的馬英九,憑什麼折服那些金融、學術的重鎮,以至爭相聘為「法律顧問」、「研究顧問」?

大家普遍認為馬英九憑的是國府長年在美國培植的裙帶關係。但事情的真相是‧‧‧鄉親們,重點來了‧‧‧馬英九絕對不曾擔任波士頓第一銀行的「法律顧問」,也應該沒有擔任馬里蘭大學的「研究顧問」。換言之,整段經歷純屬虛構。什麼!這可是不小的指控啊。證據在哪裏?


殘缺的法律人:馬英九的內心世界

在提出馬英九捏造履歷的確實證據前,讓我先當回檢察官,為大家剖析馬的內心世界與「犯罪動機」。

大家都知道台灣律師高考極其嚴苛---不到一成的錄取率,埋沒不少勤奮用功的棟樑之材,同時也淘汰一群類似馬英九的濫竽之輩。相比之下美國律考就寬鬆得多,如紐約州、加州考試的錄取率大約在百分之五十上下,其它州省還要更高。紐約州法規定,外國學生修畢美國大學的法學碩士課程(LL.M.)便取得本州律考的應試資格;律考一年舉辦兩次,二月和七月。根據我所掌握的資料,馬英九從1976年紐約大學碩士畢業到1981年離開美國為止,曾經多次參加紐約律考,結果屢戰屢敗全軍覆沒。不過這不是重點。其實一個法律人通不過嚴酷的台灣律考乃非戰之罪,拿不到相對容易的美國律牌也並不可恥。之所以稱馬英九「殘缺的法律人」,是因馬的猥瑣行徑---他全力想掩飾自己過不了律考的企圖---暴露他異常自卑的內心世界。請大家再檢視一次馬英九杜撰的美國履歷:

美國波士頓第一銀行法律顧問
美國馬里蘭大學法學院研究顧問
美國紐約華爾街柯爾迪茲律師事務所實習律師

許多人初初暼過這段履歷都誤以為馬英九是美國執業律師,而馬企圖製造的也正是這種錯覺。什麼銀行兼法學院顧問,什麼紐約華爾街,一般人被唬住也就忘了問他考沒考過律師執照了。馬英九的殘缺,不在於他逢考必敗(沒加分沒特權的他基本不行),而是他無法接受真正的自己,不完美的自己。但不接受自己又能如何?缺乏真才實學的馬英九唯有塗脂抹粉喬裝易容,讓人看不清他究竟是駿馬,還是騾子?及第既然無望,捏造履歷勢在必行。


一年以下 有期徒刑

赫赫有名的瑞士信貸波士頓第一銀行(Credit Suisse First Boston)位列美國金融業十大巨頭,總部坐落在紐約曼哈頓。

如果馬英九真的出任波士頓第一銀行的「法律顧問」(Legal Consultant or Legal Advisor),那麼依據美國法律馬英九本人可處一年以下有期徒刑,並且該銀行當時的「企業法務律師」(Corporate Counsel)極可能被吊銷律師執照,因他(他們)成了協助馬英九犯罪的共犯。如果馬不曾擔任該銀行的「法律顧問」卻謊稱如此,同樣可處一年以下有期徒刑。

馬英九究竟犯了什麼罪呢?應當分兩部份來談。首先,如果馬英九充當波士頓第一銀行或任何一家美國公司的「法律顧問」,他便觸犯Unauthorized Practice of Law (非法無照執業) 的刑事罪,因為他沒有律師執照。另一方面,如果聲名顯赫的波士頓第一銀行根本不曾聘用無照的馬英九做「法律顧問」(我研判這條可能性比較大),那麼馬謊稱自己是該銀行的「法律顧問」就犯了Falsely Holding Oneself Out as a Lawyer(誤導別人相信自己是律師)的罪行。

大家可能會問,充當「法律顧問」或自稱「法律顧問」有嚴重到要坐牢嗎?台灣各式各樣的「顧問」多如星沙,說白一些有點像西遊記裏的「弼馬溫」,彼此之間戴戴高帽而已。然而實事求是、法紀嚴明的美國人可不允許類似馬英九這種瞎吹行為。特別是法律相關的職稱嚴整分明、體系緊密,「法律」(Legal)一詞近乎神聖,附帶清楚的義務與責任,決不容許非執照持有人張冠李戴、玷污惡搞。據我研判,考不上律師的馬英九當時應該非常嚮往到波士頓第一銀行這家金融巨擘做「企業法務」(Corporate Counsel),但由於在美國從事企業法務還是需要律師執照,眼高手低的馬英九就只能垂涎意淫,自封波銀的「法律顧問」了。不學無術的馬英九萬萬沒有想到,就連「法律顧問」的頭銜在美國也萬萬不可往自己頭上亂戴!

紐約州「法律顧問執照核發條例」(New York State Rules for the Licensing of Legal Consultants)清楚明確地規定:

In its discretion the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court, pursuant to subdivision 6 of section 53 of the Judiciary Law, may license to practice as a legal consultant, without examination, an applicant who:

(1) is a member in good standing of a recognized legal profession in a foreign country, the members of which are admitted to practice as attorneys or counselors at law or the equivalent and are subject to effective regulation and discipline by a duly constituted professional body or a public authority;

(2) for at least three of the five years immediately preceding his or her application, has been a member in good standing of such legal profession and has actually been engaged in the practice of law in such foreign country or elsewhere substantially involving or relating to the rendering of advice or the provision of legal services concerning the law of such foreign country.

意思是說,如果「法律顧問」執照的申請人:
第一,是某外國的合格執業律師;
第二,在提出申請前的五年之中至少有三年於該外國實際從事律師業務;
那麼紐約州最高法院可以在免試的情況下酌情對該申請人核發「法律顧問」執照。

簡而言之,「法律顧問」必須是美國法院核可的持照律師,並非阿貓阿狗說自己是就是。除了紐約,其它各州也都有相關規定。比如麻州(波士頓、哈佛所在地)甚至比紐約更加嚴格,「法律顧問」執照的申請人須在提出申請前的全部五年間實際從事律師業務。事實上美國各州的「法顧條例」本來就是針對馬英九這類渾水摸魚、濫竽充數的南郭先生。尤其包括波士頓第一銀行在內的大型跨國公司業務遍布世界各地,隨時得向「法律顧問」咨詢其它國家的法律規章,大家試想一下,波銀如果請無牌無照的馬英九做「法律顧問」,結果他對波銀的董事經理們說「台灣寶島有夠讚,公款入帳變私款!」以後波銀在台灣出了事,誰來負責?常理判斷波銀不大可能犯如此荒唐的錯誤,畢竟請馬英九出任「法律顧問」等同協助他「非法無照執業」(Provide Assistance in the Unauthorized Practice of Law),波銀的企業法務部門難辭其咎,整群律師恐怕都得吊銷執照。


「安倍晉三」何其多

如果波士頓第一銀行不曾、不敢、也不屑聘馬英九為「法律顧問」,馬怎夠膽往自己臉上貼金?說到這裏我忽然想起不幸被馬英九蹧蹋的安倍晉三、黃崑虎、林義雄、鍾肇政‧‧‧君不見連安倍面都見不著的馬英九,居然編造安倍「當面」「當場」向他表達反台獨、反扁政府的立場,還期望他發揮「馬英九效應」!幹大事而惜身,見小利而忘命的馬英九,吹牛造假上介勇。依照馬英九過去扯謊的慣例,我推斷他和波銀之間的真實關係應該是:任職於波銀的某甲(馬的親朋戚友?國民黨八旗子弟?)曾經私底下(餐桌上?泳池邊?)向馬詢問過法律方面的知識。對某甲而言,私下詢問不問白不問,反正無牌無照的馬英九又不能跟他收一毛錢﹔對馬英九而言,問了當然也不能白問!開什麼玩笑,我連辦父親喪葬都要狠賺一筆,只偷你們的顧問頭銜來耍耍算客氣的了。除此之外還有一種可能,就是馬英九在波士頓第一銀行做過「法務助理」(Paralegal)。美國的Paralegal有些是大學畢業生,有些是像馬英九這種法學院畢業卻考不到執照的「浪人」;Paralegal薪資微薄而工作繁雜,調查研究、文書處理、影印跑腿、後勤支援不一而足,慘的是整天被律師們吆喝訓斥不當人看---誰叫你想幹法律這行卻沒律師執照呢?(儘管我個人並不支持許多同行對待Paralegal的態度。)如果馬英九幹的是「法務助理」卻自封「法律顧問」,其嚴重性決不亞於「助教」自封「教授」,「助理」自封「經理」---教授、經理還無須法院頒發執照哩。上述情況無論何者為實,馬英九都已經觸犯Falsely Holding Oneself Out as a Lawyer(誤導別人相信自己是律師)的罪行,紐約及麻州處一年以下有期徒刑算輕的了,若在德州則屬刑事重案,最高可處十年徒刑。

馬英九罪證確鑿,只是在討論如何處置以前我想順便談談他另一件行頭---馬里蘭大學法學院研究顧問。「研究顧問」(Research Advisor)又稱「論文顧問」(Thesis Advisor),負責督導學生的畢業研究論文。「研究顧問」可不是自己亂封,得先有學生請求你帶他撰寫論文,再由大學當局正式批准任命。「研究顧問」必須是本校的教授;大學通常不會批准他校教授做本校的「研究顧問」,除非該教授是某領域公認的權威。像馬英九這樣沒執照、沒教職、沒發表的「學術浪人」,有哪個馬里蘭法學院學生敢找他帶論文?即便有頭殼壞去的找上他也不可能被學校批准---萬一這回馬英九教學生「美國綠卡真美妙,自己裁決有無效;從政做官免煩惱,該落跑時就落跑!」論文出事誰來負責?因此據我推斷實際的情況應該是:國民黨的丘宏達正好在馬里蘭當教授,馬英九去拜山頭時丘老讓他隨意看看學生的論文,給點意見改改文法什麼的。嘿嘿,規矩照舊,不看白不看,看了當然也不能白看!從此馬里蘭便莫名其妙多了個「研究顧問」‧‧‧不過如果這樣可以算馬里蘭「研究顧問」的話,當年老在哈佛院長身邊幫閒的我就是「助理院長」了。


你們是馬英九的共犯嗎?

言歸正傳。怎麼將馬英九繩之以法呢?雖然馬英九數十年如一日在無數文宣、傳記、網站上宣稱自己是美國的「法律顧問」,屬於現行犯而無法律追溯期的問題,但我認為「繩之以法」太過耗時。真要去美國官方那裏檢舉他,起訴程序尚未啟動台灣總統大選早已結束---官方的效率看看AIT就知道了。與其「繩之以法」,還不如「驅虎吞馬」。怎麼個「驅虎吞馬」呢?是這樣子的,儘管美國官方基於政治考量軟得像隻綿羊,不過私營企業,特別是瑞士信貸波士頓第一銀行這頭重量級巨虎,可萬萬容不得別人玷污它的羽毛,呃對不起,虎鬚才對。如果媒體大幅報導波銀有協助台灣總統候選人「非法無照執業」的嫌疑,這頭老虎還不氣急敗壞跳出來把那頭白賊馬吞了?建議三立、民視、自由記者不要找瑞貸波銀在台北民生東路的分行,一來他們未必清楚紐約波士頓的情況,二來台北分行恐有不少八旗權貴盤踞,一句「馬英九一切合法」就把你堵回來了。所以請記者們還是花點時間到紐約麥迪遜大道(Madison Avenue)的總部大廈吧,直接找它的公關(Public Relations)或企業法務(Corporate Counsel)部門,一字一句問他們:

Do you know it is illegal to hire someone without a license as your legal consultant?
(你們知道請非律師執照持有人出任法律顧問是非法的嗎?)

Do you know if you hired someone without a license as your legal consultant, you had actually assisted in the unauthorized practice of law?
(你們知道如果請非律師執照持有人出任法律顧問,等同協助此人非法無照執業嗎?)

Did you hire Mr. Ma Ying-jeou, a presidential candidate in Taiwan, as your legal consultant during 1980-1981 ?
(你們是否在1980年到1981年間請台灣總統候選人馬英九先生出任法律顧問?)

Did you know Mr. Ma did not have a license when you hired him as your legal consultant?
(你們請馬先生出任法律顧問時知道他沒律師執照嗎?)

Were you an accomplice to Mr. Ma's crime of unauthorized practice of law?
(你們是馬先生非法執業罪行的共犯嗎?)

If you deny ever hiring Mr. Ma as your legal consultant, do you know Mr. Ma has persistently claimed to be your legal consultant during the past twenty-seven years?
(如果你們否認曾經請馬先生出任法律顧問,你們知道在過去二十七年中馬先生不斷對外宣稱是你們的法律顧問嗎?)

Would you consider suing Mr. Ma for defamation, since his claim that he was your legal consultant actually suggests that you were an accomplice to his crime?
(你們是否考慮控告馬先生譭謗,因他宣稱是你們的法律顧問也等於說你們是他非法執業的共犯?)

非惟天時,抑亦人謀

文章落落長,實在真歹勢。但為了咱所疼惜的台灣還得繼續講下去,因我始終相信光憑打馬揭弊無法確保勝選,所以就請大家多多包涵吧。

去年民進黨黨內總統初選之前,我曾發表「決戰2008:勝選建國,還是敗選亡國?」一文,力陳深謀遠慮、堅毅強韌、制敵機先、令出必行的謝長廷是上天在歷史關鍵時刻為台灣揀選的領袖。眼見立委選舉大敗後謝長廷一步步力挽狂瀾---迅速整頓殘餘部隊、組建反國民黨聯盟、對馬英九發動奇襲---讚嘆之餘益加深信上天的揀選正確無誤。即便目前選情依舊艱難,敵眾我寡敵強我弱的態勢基本持續,咱也決不失志。諸葛孔明說過,眾寡不敵而竟能以弱克強者,「非惟天時,抑亦人謀」---意思是逆中求勝除有上天的眷顧,也需出奇制敵的謀略。謝長廷本人足智多謀,手下猛將如雲能臣如雨,何需我來置喙?不過俗話說愚者千慮,終有一得;以下是我針對目前敵我態勢籌劃的三條勝選方略,謹供謝陣營參考。

一﹑拔劍四顧不用心茫茫:ANYONE,ANY TOPIC

謝長廷揶揄馬英九像修行的老和尚,躲在山洞裏死都不肯出來辯論。這是當然的啦,繡花草包真要出來和你智多星PK,還不被你K假的?如今馬英九坐擁百億黨產,糧草充足彈藥齊備。彼軍糧多,緩兵死守﹔我軍無糧,急求決戰。求戰而不得戰,是謝陣營急需突破的困境。敵人深溝高壘賴皮不玩,為之奈何?

這道問題難倒古今不少軍事戰略家。就連一代英杰,人稱「多智而近妖」的諸葛亮,也被司馬懿活活憋死在五丈原。嘻笑怒罵任你諸葛,閃躲耍賴由我仲達;我就是吃定你資源沒我多,打不贏你餓死你總可以吧?比五丈原再早三十年的官渡會戰,資源稀缺的曹操只能趁黑夜偷襲袁紹的糧倉,最後僥倖險勝。如今討黨產公投失敗,國民黨巨大的糧倉「不動如山」,計將安出?

所幸人類歷史蘊含的智慧無窮,三國不行,還有日本戰國。發生在天正十一年、公元1583年的賤岳會戰(しずがたけのたたかい),由後來統一日本的豐臣秀吉,力拼勇名滿天下的柴田勝家。當時豐臣秀吉的地盤位處日本中央,周圍強敵環伺,除了柴田勝家在北面賤岳一帶佈下重兵,東面的德川家康、西面的長宗我部、南面的泷川一益個個蓄勢待發,準備圍剿秀吉。儘管柴田一介勇夫智力平庸,但連他也看出秀吉的弱點,知道持久戰打下去秀吉肯定吃虧---除了糧草不繼,四方敵人又虎視眈眈。任憑秀吉揶揄挑釁一個多月,柴田就是皮皮地躲在防御工事後面,完全不給秀吉決戰的機會,準備把他活活憋死。重點來了,在這歷史與命運的十字路口,怎麼把敵人逼出來呢?

秀吉的答案是:我找你單挑不成,那就找你手下!秀吉深知人心的微妙。其實每個人從軍(或從政)怎不想有立功揚名的機會?統帥本身再怎麼謹慎堅守,也難以完全節制部將們雀躍欲試的爭功心態。於是秀吉找上了柴田的外甥、作戰驍勇驃悍的佐久間盛政。佐久間盛政負責擔任柴田軍側翼先鋒大將,如果他能堅守防禦崗位,賤岳這仗是不會輸的。秀吉看破佐久間急於求功的心理,設計誘使他離開防禦工事來和自己PK。佐久間再猛也不是智多星秀吉的對手,當然慘被殲滅。結果側翼斷折的柴田軍一下子陣腳大亂,旋即土崩瓦解全軍覆沒。

我想說的是:謝長廷找馬英九辯論不是新聞;找吳伯雄才是新聞,找蕭萬長才是新聞,找王金平才是新聞,找蔣孝嚴才是新聞,找洪秀柱才是新聞!是的,ANYONE,ANY TOPIC:「為了我們的國家,為了兩千三百萬人的福祉,身為總統候選人的我,願意謙卑誠心地和任何人,辯論探討任何有利國計民生的政策。既然我前後邀約馬英九先生上百次,他寧可去游泳、慢跑、騎車、作秀、綁樁也不敢真正面對國家人民的需要,從今日起我不會在他身上浪費任何時間。我願意嚴肅認真地和吳伯雄主席辯論客家政策和黨務問題,和蕭萬長院長辯論經濟金融政策,和王金平院長辯論立法院選制改革的問題,和蔣孝嚴委員辯論兩岸通航問題,和洪秀柱委員辯論婦女與兒童政策,甚至和顏清標委員辯論‧‧‧呃這個‧‧‧黑道及社會治安問題。」總而言之,ANYONE,ANY TOPIC!

以「上駟對下駟」看似吃虧,其實不然。透過這樣的辯論不僅能展現謝長廷虛懷若谷、光明磊落的政治家格局,更可以突顯馬英九身為總統候選人卻逃避辯論的荒誕之處,乘勢將馬邊緣化。馬根本無力節制蔣孝嚴洪秀柱之流,難不成用黨紀懲處參加辯論的人?心智幼稚淺薄的馬英九其實最怕被人晾一邊,大概很快便按捺不住跳出來要辯論。此時謝長廷偏偏不跟他辯,至少也要等到和其他兩三個人交過手再說。先讓馬氣急敗壞一陣子,最後再在辯論場上徹底KO他!

(註:本文寫就之後才聽聞馬陣營在幾家媒體施壓下勉強答應辯論,但場次過少且首場主要由二十位公民---大多為台北縣市民---提出影音提問,恐對馬有放水之嫌。如果謝陣營研判目前的辯論場次和方式對選情助益有限,還是不妨參考上述的建議,擴大辯論對象,提昇議題熱度,將戰火無限延燒下去!)

二﹑族群共生二二八:葉菊蘭拜將封帥

大家都知道總統大選的決勝點在中台灣,而中台灣的決勝點又在客家庄。佔全國總人口百分之二十的客家票,乃問鼎大位者兵家必爭之地。近日馬英九透過客籍主席吳伯雄在桃、竹、苗地區發動一波波凌厲攻勢,大肆攻城掠地固樁拔樁,成為謝長廷選情一大隱憂。然則何以解憂?何以轉勢?

我不是客家人,但敬重客家人不單「硬頸」,還有情有義。八年前陳水扁上任後落實客家委員會、客家電視台、客家園區、客家學院等政策,短短幾年就得到巨大的回報。四年前總統一役的致勝關鍵並非某族群深信不疑的「兩顆子彈」,而是阿扁的客家地區支持度從兩成多大幅增長到四成,成長率冠於全國。但今年呢?謝陣營能否突破吳伯雄重重封鎖,尤其他苦心經營數十載的「百足千樁」?

民進黨內堪與吳伯雄抗衡的,只有葉菊蘭;可惜謝陣營迄今未能充分打好這張王牌。我尊重謝長廷選蘇貞昌做副手有他團結全黨的考量,然而此舉不可諱言地挫傷不少客家鄉親的殷切期望。我更理解謝在立委敗選後必須宣佈未來啟用CEO當閣揆以防止國民黨強勢組閣,但與此同時也澆熄了葉出任行政院長的高漲呼聲。令人感到憂心的是,每個人都目睹當初黨內選舉危急時,葉如何情義相挺謝;萬一客家鄉親不單「有情有義」,還「恩怨分明」怎麼辦?

我認為,謝陣營不能只「賢」葉而不「盡」葉---不能只讓葉當高賢國士,而沒給她獨當一面全力發揮的機會。長大後重溫三國,對諸葛亮北伐失敗的原因有更深一層的體會。除了糧草不繼先天不足,諸葛亮另一大敗筆就是沒能充分利用趙雲、魏延這班智勇兼備的名將,習慣把他們當「家將」帶在身邊而不使其獨率一軍。每次讀到魏延那段精闢入理卻遭諸葛亮否決的請兵要求,難免掩卷長嘆:「延聞夏侯楙(司馬懿出山前的魏軍統帥)乃膏粱子弟,懦弱無謀。願得精兵五千,取路出褒中,循秦嶺以東,當子午谷而投北,不過十日,可到長安。夏侯楙若聞某驟至,必然棄城望邸閣橫門而走。某卻從東方而來,丞相可大驅士馬,自斜谷而進:如此行之,則咸陽以西,一舉可定也。」可惜諸葛亮始終未讓部將獨力發揮長才,以至含恨身隕五丈原。

我想說的是:總統府秘書長、競選總幹事皆屬「家將」級別,無法發揮葉菊蘭的最大價值,無法滿足客家鄉親的殷切期望,無法讓葉在戰場上名正言順、獨當一面地衝鋒陷陣。建議謝長廷務必效法劉邦對韓信「拜將封帥」之情事,提名葉菊蘭擔任民進黨主席。(為了避免對葉女士造成困擾,在此我鄭重聲明不認識葉本人,不認識她的朋友,也不認識她朋友的朋友。)立委敗選後謝沒立刻讓葉出任主席是明智的決定,因葉的資望尚不足以收拾山河破碎後的惶惶人心;如今謝已成功地重聚民心士氣,是時候盡快令葉率軍出征了。

最適合謝長廷宣佈提名的時機,我認為是在「逆風前進,最愛台灣」行腳活動抵達苗栗、新竹前後。可以選二月二十三日在葉菊蘭的故鄉苗栗,又或者二十四日的新竹孔廟晚會。至於最佳的就職地點,則非二十八日的台北中山足球場莫屬。(拜託別選中央黨部,太遜了!)我不清楚二二八中山球場當晚的主旋律為何,但至少應加上「和解共生,族群同歡:葉菊蘭女士黨主席就職典禮」。這樣的主題可謂一石三鳥:其一,宣示謝長廷破釜沉舟、敗選即退出政壇的必勝決心(連黨主席都交出去了);其二,彰顯謝從政以來堅定不移的和解共生信念;其三,營造謝主政後族群大融合的新氣象。「共生同歡」辦圓滿了,抵十萬張選票。

機不可失,時不再來;二二八主題沒挑好,只怕風雨更飄搖。懇請謝長廷,お早めにご決断を!


三﹑創意貴精不貴多:你不要學馬叔叔,馬叔叔有練過!

當務之急除了辯論及客家問題外,國民黨一波波負面廣告也頗令人頭疼。謝長廷多次呼籲馬英九「多辯論、少廣告」,雙方到選前頂多各打五支廣告就好。對此我有一個好消息、一個壞消息向謝陣營報告。壞消息是國民黨的百億黨產又不是擺在那裏好看的,未來廣告只會愈打愈多、愈打愈兇。好消息是據我研判,經過長達半年日夜不停的轟炸,觀眾的眼球應該都累了,廣告的邊際效益正持續遞減;支數多寡不是主要的問題,創意優劣才是關鍵的所在。一支廣告吸引注意印象深刻,勝過十支嘮嘮叨叨甚至招惹反感。

平心而論,民進黨的立委選舉廣告不算成功,創意方面比國民黨更遜一籌。印象中只有謝志偉那支那魯灣飆舞可算佳作,其它說實在的對選情加分有限,有些恐怕還倒扣。比如一系列類似「再擋!再擋!再擋!」的廣告,原本為了突顯國民黨的蠻橫跋扈所以都由男性旁白粗聲粗氣高分貝開罵,卻沒考慮到觀眾看了、聽了、會不會影響心情?會不會食慾驟減?

我認為上次選舉廣告的代表作,莫過於國民黨讓兩位扮無知的主婦一面抓耳挠腮,一面瞎講「公投亂大選」。兩人操著濃濃的鄉土口音,七嘴八舌抱怨她們對公投的困惑與不解。你可以說這支廣告嚴重歧視台灣女性的智慧,卻無法否認它有效地散播毒素,誇大公投的複雜性與爭議性。(並不是所有人每晚看大話新聞「排毒解惑」的!)

我想說的是:錢糧彈藥有限的情況下,廣告貴精不貴多。饒富巧思、意味深長的廣告,幾支就夠用了,重要的是每支都在觀眾心裏烙下清晰的印記。像謝長廷的情人節廣告就拍得不錯,既幽默又闡明政策,突顯謝氏風格。這裏我也野人獻曝一下,勾勒兩三個構思方案:「張太太要移民」、「治大國如烹小鮮」、「馬叔叔有練過」。


「張太太要移民」

民進黨準備拍一些重、鹹、辣的打馬廣告嗎?拜託不要,觀眾都看膩看煩了。不如試試「張太太要移民」吧,殺傷力絕對遠超國民黨那支「無知倆師奶」。

場景開始,在某高級住宅區,一家幾口忙著把大批行李搬上車,看似要出遠門的樣子。這時鄰居走過來一探究竟---

甲:張太太,你們去旅行喔?

乙:沒有啦,偶們全家準備移民了。

甲:移民?台灣住好好,厝這麼大間,為啥米要移民?

乙:唉,不移民不行啦,連總統候選人攏美國綠卡傳好好,台灣出代誌他第一個落跑,到時咱去哪裏喊「救郎」?一天到晚說要全民拼經濟,結果自己全家拼綠卡!好加在偶們有錢趁現在緊移民,若是沒錢的只好多做善事求神保庇囉。

甲:啊喲,你們怎麼這麼憨呢?驚台灣出代誌當然要留下來投謝長廷一票啊!人家謝長廷有擔當、有魄力、做代誌腳踏實地、不開空頭支票、說到做到、疼惜台灣、永不落跑。你看現在高雄愛河多麼清氣多麼水,哪像淡水河馬英九做八年還是烏汁汁臭哄哄聞著想要吐。聽我一句勸,總統選長仔,台灣安啦!

原本忙著搬行李的丙,跑過來摻一腳:對呀對呀,我的工作、朋友都在台灣,若不是我太太堅持我根本不想走。照你這麼說,只要總統選長廷,台灣一定贏,大家免煩惱,人民福氣囉。

甲:當然啦。總統選長廷,台灣一定贏!

甲、乙、丙、外加左鄰右舍一齊豎起大拇指:總統選長廷,台灣一定贏!!!

走筆至此,忽然覺得馬陣營與其整天喊些不倫不類的「馬蕭雙贏,台灣一定贏」,還不如我幫他們編兩句琅琅上口、易說易唱的:

「總統選馬蕭,出事穩落跑!」

「總統選英九,台灣一定糗!」

「治大國如烹小鮮 」

如果說四年前阿扁主要靠客家票激增取勝,我認為客家票激增的主因之一是那支經典的「阿扁呀呀學客語」,有效打動客家鄉親的心。今天謝陣營要想逆中求勝,仍舊得推一支溫馨動人、又闡明政策的客語廣告。在我的設想裏,除客語流利的謝長廷本人,葉菊蘭是理所當然的女主角。(不用她就暴殄天物了!)而且最好葉還是以民進黨主席的身分出現:「大家好,我是民進黨主席葉菊蘭」相較於「大家好,我是長昌競選總幹事葉菊蘭」,哪個比較有力?

民以食為天,媽媽的味道是最好的味道。「治大國如烹小鮮」要達到的效果,是藉由一道道客家特色風味,形象地烘托出謝長廷一幅幅客家政策願景。老實說我並非真正的客家通,所以僅提供廣告構思的輪廓,至於具體的政策牛肉得由謝團隊來填充。

場景可以取在苗栗的某客家宅院,看似葉菊蘭帶謝長廷回老家走走看看的樣子。屋裏擠滿想要一睹未來總統風采的鄉親父老,桌上則擺滿薑絲炒大腸、鴨紅炒韭菜、豬肺黃梨炒木耳、客家小炒、肥腸炆筍乾、酸菜炆豬肚、排骨炆菜頭、炆爌肉等客家美食。(對對對,就是要讓觀眾留口水,吸引他們的注意力。)剛開始只見謝旁若無人飛快地將佳餚往嘴裏送。(不夠斯文無所謂,吃得香最重要!)

這時葉說話了:未來總統,你不要只顧吃,現在我要以客家女兒(及民進黨主席)的身分質問你一些父老鄉親關心的問題。比如說,你當總統之後,要如何更進一步向全國推廣客家語言、客家文化?

謝有點勉強地放下筷子。正要回答時,忽又忍不住用手指挑了片豬肺塞進嘴巴。(小損形象大添笑果!)肺片落肚後謝才說:客家語言是最美麗的語言,豐富繽紛。當初我學客家話時覺得它就像這道「豬肺黃梨炒木耳」,鹹、酸、甜、兼容並蓄味道多重。後來我當高雄市長時做了‧‧‧‧當行政院長時做了‧‧‧‧至於就任總統後我會進一步推動‧‧‧‧具體落實這些政策時我會注意輕重緩急,就像掌握這道「炆爌肉」的火候‧‧‧‧當然也需要其它政府部門的配套措施,就像這道「薑絲炒大腸」不能沒有搭配爆香的薑絲‧‧‧‧

總而言之,將客家美食的各樣特色自然地融入政策闡述裏。如果時間允許,不只葉,連父老鄉親亦可發問。廣告的結尾,謝何妨夾起一條肥腸,祝全國同胞「團團圓圓、久久長長」!

「馬叔叔有練過」

連拍兩支挺謝廣告有點膩了,最後壓軸我想拍支「挺馬」的。首先要籌集一些道具:兩百支馬蕭競選小旗、一百頂馬蕭小帽、五十件馬蕭T恤、二十隻馬蕭公仔。噢,差點忘了,還得找一個「馬英九」---是不是本尊無所謂,因為這支廣告只需馬英九的「背影」。看看誰的背影像馬,叫他套件黑色西裝,頭髮梳得油亮亮就可以了。順便把馬英九本人關於綠卡、國籍、生日、政治獻金、馬嫂炒股、馬姊賣藥、市長特別費‧‧‧等等的發言剪輯一下,預備好「原音重現」。除了馬英九的「背影」及「原音」,真正主角其實是一對母子和一位女記者。由於是「挺馬」廣告,所以力求母子、記者三人字正腔圓、發音準確。

場景可以取在任一所國民小學的禮堂,容納兩三百人左右。

廣告一開始呈現馬英九高大、帥氣、光鮮的「背影」。接著鏡頭逐漸轉換成馬英九的視野,也就是從講台上俯瞰講台下一大片群眾---有老師、有家長、有學生。只見台下歡聲震動,有揮舞小旗小帽的、有親吻馬公仔的、還有脫去T恤要馬簽名的。大人們尖叫「馬英九我愛你!馬英九你好帥!」學生們也高喊「馬叔叔我愛你!馬叔叔你好酷!」

喧囂聲中,鏡頭拉回到馬的「背影」,見他舉起右拳開始揮舞,配合原音重現:「馬蕭雙贏!台灣向前行!台灣一定贏!」台下又是一陣雀躍歡呼。

正當馬英九沉醉在群眾的頂禮膜拜中,忽然冒出一個不知趣的女記者,衝著馬問:馬主席您好!我是「安徒生兒童日報」的記者,想替國家未來的主人翁請教您幾個問題。請問您是不是有美國綠卡?

馬的「背影」連忙搖搖頭,原音重現:我們全家都沒有美國綠卡。

記者:請問您是不是有美國護照或英國護照?

馬:我沒有美國護照也沒有英國護照。

記者:請問您為什麼擔任法務部長時生日是十月三十一日,但就任台北市長後卻變成七月十三日?

馬:是筆誤。

記者:請問您是不是收過好幾個公會、每個公會五十萬元以上的政治獻金?

馬:我從沒收過任何公會的政治獻金。

這時台下群眾開始騷動,交頭接耳竊竊私語。鏡頭也轉到我們的小主人公---天真可愛的小明。小明使勁拉著媽媽的裙襬問:媽媽,馬叔叔他怎麼了?

媽媽抿嘴不答。

記者接著追問:請問馬夫人是否曾多次進出股市賺取暴利?

馬:我們家的股票都是長期持有,皆未交易變動。

記者:請問您當台北市長時有否圖利馬大姊,讓她特權賣藥、扮演藥廠門神?

馬:沒有聽說。

鏡頭再轉到小明這裏,只見小明面露驚惶之色,將媽媽愈拉愈緊:媽媽,馬叔叔為什麼變成這樣?

媽媽依然抿嘴不答,只是臉色愈來愈差。旁邊竊竊私語的群眾愈來愈多,不少人居然也顯出驚恐失措的樣子。

記者再追問:請問您是否涉及貪污與詐領市長特別費,並用特別費支付女兒在美國的學費、生活費?

馬:我的特別費全都用於公務、公益‧‧‧我的特別費全都用在犒賞、餽贈‧‧‧我從沒把特別費當生活費‧‧‧我絕對把特別費與生活費分得清清楚楚‧‧‧我一路走來,始終如一,依法行政,公私分明‧‧‧SAFE‧‧‧

此時媽媽終於按捺不住,拉著小明三步併兩步退出會場。許多家長、學生、老師竟也紛紛丟盔棄甲浪槓落跑。馬的「背影」急得上火,對台下群眾大吼:好膽嘜走!

最後一幕來到禮堂外。不用客氣,給我們小主人公天真爛漫的小臉一個大特寫。

「媽媽!媽媽!馬叔叔的鼻子為什麼變那那那那那那那那那那那那那那麼長?」

「謊話說太多鼻子就會變長,知不知道?乖,聽媽的話:千萬不要學馬叔叔,馬叔叔有練過!」

‧‧‧‧‧‧‧

您決定好總統大選投誰一票了嗎?

‧‧‧‧‧‧‧

答案,在天下父母的心中

‧‧‧‧‧‧‧

請支持 1 號 謝長廷

寫在最後

努力想寫支挺馬廣告,不知怎的結尾卻又成挺謝的了?照理講學弟挺學長天經地義,但馬英九夠格做我的前輩學長嗎?夠格當台灣人民的大家長嗎?我不禁問自己。目睹一路走來始終淺薄、幼稚、虛妄的馬英九,仿彿見到「臥虎藏龍」裏的玉嬌龍---有人仗恃偷來的「青冥寶劍」,有人則憑藉混來的哈佛文憑---卻同樣危害天下蒼生,招致萬人唾罵。此外,時而雌雄不分亦是兩者的共癖‧‧‧

也有先進認為馬英九像「天龍八部」裏那位上場光鮮亮麗、中場眼高手低、下場慘慘淒淒的慕容復,我都贊同。無論馬英九的結局是跌落懸崖粉身碎骨,亦或在鄉間土墳上喃喃不休,我想,慈悲的上天早已讓一位先知卓見的偉人,為馬的傳奇一生下了完美的註腳:

你可以一時欺騙所有的人,也可能永遠欺騙某些人,卻無法永遠欺騙所有的人—林肯


2008年早春 於逸龍谷

 


 



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江武昌民俗學者.


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callin的[中和張先生]準備問訊吧



11/26穿透台灣大解碼
第五段到後面有觀眾-中和張先生-說到教育部的母語政策時.舉了一個例子[過年真歡喜大家來打炮-放炮].然後馬上說:姚文智我招你某來打炮.

當下被這種侮辱性的談話感到極難接受.這種不舒服的感覺不知是不是只有我而已.

我認為callin也是要負言論制約.姚文智該去告中和張先生

告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告callin的[中和張先生]準備問訊吧
告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告callin的[中和張先生]準備問訊吧
告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告[中和張先生]
告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告--中和張先生
告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告-中和張先生-
告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告--------中和張先生
告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告--中和張先生
告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告
告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告------中和張先生
告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告告


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PPP比出台灣經濟的卓越表現

■ 吳志中



權威經濟評論雜誌經濟學人,每一年都會公布出版一份對各國經濟狀況的評估,EIU最近公布了二○○八年評估結果。很有趣的是,根據購買力調整過的個人生產毛額PPP(Purchasing Power Parity),台灣高達三六三三○美元(下同),超過日本的三五一七○、德國的三四二七○,接近瑞典的三六四二○,更遠遠超過韓國的二五五五○,是最先進國家的水準。


PPP又稱購買力平價;用白話來說,收入很高的國家,物價也高,所以賺錢雖多,不代表可以購買支配的金額也很多,因為各國物價的差異很大。所以,越來越多的經濟估算單位,改採經過購買力調整的數值,以正確表達該國的經濟實力,以及個人所能支配的財富與資源。


世界銀行計算各國國民生產總毛額進行跨國比較時,就使用去除匯率因素後的PPP為評比基準。據世銀最新統計,以PPP計算後的每人國民生產毛額,二○○六年台灣為三○○八四美元,全球排行第二十一名,亞洲第四,僅落後於香港、日本及新加坡,但明顯領先韓國。二○○七年的結果尚未公布,二○○八年則預估超越日本。


台灣的真正個人生產毛額不是最高,部分原因是因為台灣採低匯率政策,以便有利出口。然而,台灣的物價低廉,使得一般收入也足以應付日常的花費。最近一些媒體大炒韓國大學生的月收入七萬台幣,暗示台灣經濟落後,事實上韓國物價高,相對的可支配金額也不多;以這一次經濟學人公布數字來看,韓國人低於台灣達一萬美元以上。


該雜誌在報導台灣的時候,還特別與中國做比較,並以標題Still leading(持續領先)來凸顯台灣相對於中國的進步。事實上,中國有很不錯的表現,GNP是二九六○美元,PPP則乘以三倍達九七○○美元,然而卻遠遠落後於台灣。


很有趣的是,該雜誌特別比較台灣與中國自一九九○年以來的經濟表現。與國人印象完全不一樣的是,台灣自二○○○年以來經過購買力調整的經濟成長表現,優於一九九○至二○○○年;而且,領先中國的差距甚至越來越大。台灣在一九九○年的PPP大約是一○○○○美元,在二○○○年達大約二二○○○,二○○八則達三六○○○以上。也就是說,民進黨八年執政時代的經濟發展,是優於國民黨在九○年代的表現。與中國的差距,則由一九九○年的大約九○○○美元,達到現在的二六○○○美元以上。


當然,台灣的經濟也有其隱憂,就是貧富差距擴大的問題。不過,不可諱言的是,這是全球化之下的一個世界現象,並非台灣特有,補救的方式包括透過如同歐洲的社會福利政策來幫助弱勢階層。


最重要的是,大致而言,台灣這幾年來的經濟表現並不差。事實上,經濟專家都同意,經濟持續發展的一個重要因素是信心。台灣要真正發展成為一個先進國家,最缺少的大概就是信心吧!這方面,台灣媒體應可多所作為。


(作者為法國巴黎第一大學政治學博士,東吳大學政治系助理教授)




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去你的「M型社會」
位於 9:45 下午
你聽過「M型社會」嗎? 老實說,當女友問我什麼是「M型」的時候,我竟然一時語塞說不出話來。

自從大前研一在ロウアーミドルの衝撃(中譯: 中產階級滑落的衝擊)中畫出一個M型圖表,以顯示「日本」的中產階級正慢慢往中低階級流動,原本中產階級的收入不再,另一方面,隨著網路與數位科技的流通,有錢人更加利用優勢擴大財產地位之後,於是就變成所謂「貧者愈貧,富者愈富」的現象,這就是被商周包裝出來,行銷到整個台灣社會的「M型社會」一書。

老實說,因為同樣是「大」字輩,大豆也很喜歡大前研一的思考,他在台灣的著作這幾年幾乎都是暢銷書,但是全部的書加起來,知名度恐怕都不及「M型社會」一書,不,一詞。商周的包裝當然十分成功,並且順便把這幾年來自從民進黨執政以後長期的經濟不振現象相關聯起來,於是,在媒體語不驚人死不休的推波助瀾下,「M型」變成了每天都會見報的熱門名詞,跟「M型」或是「M型社會」比起來,總統候選人的見報度恐怕都要略遜一籌了。

首先讓我們看看大前的書是什麼寫的,可以參考「楚狂子」寫的這篇書摘,內容大致上是本書的前半段,後半段對於日本政府的大膽主張並沒有特別提到。(例如他主張放棄日本農業改革,拿錢去買澳洲土地來耕種等等),有看過這本書的朋友都知道,所謂「M型」的圖表,只不過是大前用來證明他所謂的「(日本)中上階級往中下階級移動」的例子,我們知道大前很關心台灣,(正確的說法是很關心台灣與中國),但是這本書的原文裡一個關於「台灣」的字眼都沒提到,更別說是「大前研一告訴台灣人已經進入M型社會」這種話了。大前研一甚至沒有主張日本是M型社會呢。

真正幫「M型社會」下定義的,不是大前,而是商業周刊的介紹:M型社會來了!,這篇文章偷渡概念,明明大前沒有對台灣提任何建言,卻把台灣跟日本的狀況混為一談。

同樣是經濟走下坡,台灣跟日本的成因是不同的,台灣是因為適逢經濟不景氣、成長進入成熟期,以及受到中國低價人力的強力競爭,致使台灣人的所得無法像過去一樣迅速向上成長,但是日本則不同,日本的泡沫經濟破滅、終身僱佣制的改變、派遣制度的興起,才是一般中產階級收入下降的主因。同樣的,大前在書中舉的買車、買房、教育的例子,雖然不能說對於台灣社會完全不適用,但是在很大程度上是針對日本社會的現狀,而台灣社會本來就與日本有唯妙的差異。

大前研一在書中要說的是,即使日本曾經是世界上人均所得第二高的國家,經過泡沫經濟的崩壞,現在還是很有錢,但是日本人為什麼生活過得並不富裕,不是因為他們賺錢賺的比其他國家的人少,而是因為日本的物價太高。

光是房價就壓死人,而日本人又寧可買屋,不願意租屋,所以貸款給上班族很大的壓力。
其次,除了房價,一般物價也高,日本的物價高得毫無道理,同樣的民生用品,為什麼比周邊國家貴上那麼多? 原因就在於,日本人相信名牌,盲目的支持國產品。(你看台灣人誰會盲目支持國產品,果然差異很大),於是廠商從國外進口廉價的食材,加工一下就包裝成國產食材以高價販售等等......

如果你覺得「日本人怎樣關我屁事」,對啦,上面兩段其實不太需要看,我們回頭看看那個該死的「M型社會」。

前面提過了,M型社會是指中上階級的所得銳減,變成中下階級了,於是所得分佈圖上就出現M型的缺口,結論呢,就是「貧者愈貧,富者愈富」,等會,這句話我好像在哪裡聽過?

對了對了,如果你跟大豆一樣老,你一定聽過 國父 孫中山先生在倡導他的「民生主義」時曾經這麼說。

「外國是患不均,中國是患貧,這就是中外社會情形的大 區別。……但是如果說中國沒有資本家,便可以不講社會主義,那便是大錯。不知道前車之覆,便是後車之鑒。歐洲社會在今日之患不均,便是吾人極好的教訓。那 種不均的病根,還是由於土地和資本兩個問題,預先沒有解決。所以兄弟提倡民生主義,講到歸宿,不得不解決土地和資本兩個問題。」

「現在一般青年學者,信仰馬克思主義,一講到社會主 義,使主張用馬克思的辦法,來解決中國社會經濟問題;這就是無異『不翻北風,就懷人民』一樣的口調。不知中國今日是患貧,不是患不均。在不均的社會,當然 可用馬克思辦法,提倡階級戰爭去打平他,但在中國實業尚未發達的時候,馬克思的階級戰爭和無產專制,便用不著……我們主張解決民生問題的方法,不是先提出 一種毫不實用的劇烈辦法,在等到實業發達以求適用,是要用一種思患預防的辦法,來阻止私人的大資本,不是先穿起大毛皮,再來希望翻北風的辦法。」 出處 三民主義思想的產生與演進

根據 國父的說法,十九世紀因為歐美資本主義興起,所以貧者愈貧,富者愈富,所以是貧富不均,但是(當時的)中國沒有富人,所以是均貧。所以資本主張造成貪富不均這個問題,不是什麼M型社會的新思想,一百年前就嘛有了。

但是,雖然大前研一沒有說,不過商周就幫他說了,如同媒體總是像頑皮的小孩,不負責任的幫人貼上「草莓族」、「宅男」的莫須有標籤之後,「M型社會」這個聽起來又炫,具有學術性(我看百分之九十的人都搞不清楚為什麼叫M型),而且還據說有大前研一背書的新名詞從此一統江湖,早就退休不知道到哪去的 國父 孫中山跟他的「貧富不均」老古董被扔入冷宮。

我們來看看這個詞有被使用多兇好了,
1、用GOOGLE搜尋"M型社會"所有網頁(要有上引號下引號,才不會搜尋出只有「M型」沒有「社會」的網頁),有133,000項結果。
同理,用繁體中文搜尋,有128,000項結果
再用「台灣的網頁」搜尋,有112,000項結果。
不管用「繁體中文」還是「台灣」(這兩者的差異在於,有些大陸的網站也被視為繁體中文,而許多主機不設在台灣的中文網頁會被視為不屬於台灣的網站,例如「大豆剝落殼」就是)

由以上的結果來看,網頁的數量十分驚人,但是比較起來,幾乎是專屬於台灣的說法,也有一些香港網頁,但是總的來說,對於中國網站而言並不存在"M型社會" 的說法。

2、用GOOGLE 新聞搜尋"M型社會",會發現最近「一個月」的新聞中有207項符合的結果,也就是說,每天新聞界就製造了將近7篇有關於「M型社會」的新聞。7篇耶~~

3、同時,如果你覺得「M型社會」還不夠標籤化,那麼搜尋一下「M型化」好了。簡單的「M型化」居然也有15,500項結果,同時一個月內也有56篇以「M型化」為名的新聞。

在那麼多「打著M型之名」的新聞裡面,有些新聞真的是令人啼笑皆非,例如

大樓社區 M型化

【聯合晚報╱記者游智文/桃園報導】
國內各地房市都在M型化,南崁不例外。一般中古大樓社區去年已經很便宜,一坪不過十萬,今年還更便宜,三房兩廳兩衛加車位,300萬元也可買到,但高級社區大不同,成交量雖有萎縮,然因屋主不急著賣,成交價繼續往上揚。

房子本來就是這樣,好的房子增值空間高,便宜的房子下跌快,所以俗話說,買房子就是要看「位置、位置、位置」,M型化在這邊難道是什麼新觀念?

調查:台灣人投資基金觀念 略有M型化現象

2007-09-05 18:59/陳林幸虹

根據「今周刊」和「台北金融研究發展基金會」所進行的台灣民眾「基金投資行為大調查」,在過去1年當中,台灣每4位基金投資人,就有3位達到正報酬,投資 獲利機會相當高,報酬率接近17%,不過,基金理財的成熟度,卻也略呈現M型化跡象,也就是愈中低學歷、中低所得的族群,愈沒有具體的資產配置策略,常淪 為盲目進場。


這篇更是有趣的很,俗話說「狗咬人正常不算新聞,人咬狗不正常才叫新聞」,難道以一般的常理來看,愈中低學歷、中低所得的族群,會擁有比高學歷、高所得族更多的投資資訊? 這根本不是新聞不說,何況與「M型化」何干? 那個「M型」在哪裡?

就算我們真的認為一個現象是「不均」,依照「M型」的定義,這個分布「必須」已經違反「常態分布」的兩邊較低、中間高的山形,而成為異常的M型,換句話說,「M型」不等於「不均」,M型事實上是「不均」的「極端化」,光是要形容一個現象不均,還不能用「M型」,除非你拿得出圖表證明已經違反常態分布。

舉例來說,故意殺人是一種犯罪,而且是惡性重大的犯罪,但是犯罪有很多種,例如偷東西啦、開小差啦,謊稱自己年紀所以變造身份證等都是犯罪行為。但是新聞能不能直接把所有的犯罪行為,都以「殺人」兩字稱之,我想沒有什麼值得疑惑的空間。

反正,說穿了,所謂的新聞,就是要呈現「亂象」,如果一個現象心平氣和,衝突不多,那就沒啥新聞性了,例如中華職棒這幾年球團不努力,觀眾不捧場,新聞也就懶得報,但是一有放水這種難看的事情,媒體就爭相報導,可見「亂事」才是媒體的最愛。

再說,老實講,這個社會上有錢人少,沒錢的人多,就算你日子過得還不錯,還是會認為錢不夠多,就算你家財萬貫,還是會覺得錢少。有錢人的生活我們也只是看看,「M型化」新聞的目的,就是要告訴廣大的窮人們,「你們很窮,還會更窮,去恨政府吧」,一旦把責任推到政府身上,那麼某些媒體的政治目的,也就達成了。

最後,如果你還不夠厭倦所謂的「M型新聞」,甚至你是記者,為了製作所謂的「M型新聞」想破頭,那麼在市面上還沒出現所謂「M型新聞產生器」之前,大豆提供幾個標題給你參考。

部落格訪客,呈現M型化發展
根據 XXXXX的統計,近年來的部落格呈現兩極化發展,知名的部落格吸引大批訪客,小部落格則乏人問津......

超級星光大道選手歌迷,呈現M型化
根據 XXXXX的統計,星光大道的眾多選手人氣呈現兩極化,當紅的楊宗緯有大量人氣,但是不被看好的XXX則歌迷少得可憐......

觀賞魚價格,呈現M型化
根據 XXXXX的統計,雖然養魚不困難,但是觀賞魚的價格卻呈M型化,稀有的品種賣到十幾二十萬,但是便宜的孔雀魚一隻卻只要10元不到......

大豆期貨價格,呈現M型化
根據 XXXXX的統計,最近的大豆期貨呈現M型走向,宣稱無農藥的有機大豆價格高產量少,低價的大豆卻產量過剩價格直直落,沒人要的大豆只好寫部落格......

其實這種新聞叫我再寫兩百篇都沒有問題....


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臺灣人太善良
太縱容敵人
明明對方無理取鬧---我們還是先打自己小孩給敵人看
明明對方無理取鬧---我們還是先想有沒有錯
明明對方無理取鬧---我們還是先和他講法律-講道理
明明對方無理取鬧---我們還是先自卑的沉默
明明對方無理取鬧---我們還是先回家睡覺
該奮起的時候到了
為了世世代代的子孫---大聲的說出我們的不滿與憤怒
該奮起的時候到了
為了長長久久的台灣---大聲的說出我們的不滿與憤怒
該奮起的時候到了
為了富富麗麗的母親大地---大聲的說出我們的不滿與憤怒
該奮起的時候到了
該奮起的時候到了
為了明明白白的民主制度---大聲的說出我們的不滿與憤怒
大聲的說出我們的不滿與憤怒
大聲的說出我們的不滿與憤怒
拒絕再受辱.拒絕被強姦.拒絕被嗆聲.拒絕揹黑鍋.拒絕被硬ㄠ.拒絕所有唱衰台灣的言行
該奮起的時候到了
台灣勇士站出來
大聲的說出我們的不滿與憤怒-站出來
發起成立---不滿族運動---開始嗆回去
.....................................



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找句話來影響淺藍朋友...... 多多動動腦.集眾人的智慧來... 影響淺藍朋友.希望成立一個網頁....找句話來影響淺藍朋友


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由交通部觀光局指導,阿里山管理處所執行的在國際機場看見阿里山畫展活動即將展開。自即日起至95年12月10日止,於桃園際機場第二航廈北區出境大廳,規劃「穿梭畫中景畫遊阿里山」特展,本次特別結合旅遊視聽觀賞區、賞畫及工藝伴手禮展示區等多功能休閒空間,讓大家遊賞阿里山奇景之美。
 根據阿管處鐘處長表示:管理處特別於2002年3月及2004年6月分別延請國內知名水彩畫家梁丹丰及薛清茂等兩位至阿里山駐留作畫,讓阿里山的風采跳躍在畫布上。本次畫展呈現阿里山瑰麗的五奇之美,如森林、鐵道、雲海、日出與晚霞、武俠意境的瑞太、茶香農趣的茶之道、親近鄒族的部落格、有氧森呼吸的奮起湖、豐山、來吉等奇情山景,希望出境旅客,在待機之餘,能駐足盡觀阿里山之美、同享阿里山之妙,並進而激起下次前來遊覽阿里山的意願。
 在鄒族部落手工藝品展示區中,彙集當代鄒族工藝家作品,有藤竹編織、拼布創作、木雕、皮雕等,不論從材質、色彩或圖樣皆原味十足且具實用性,每件作品都精采,有來自阿里山達邦的黃明珠、來吉部落白紫的皮雕名片夾和皮雕筆記簿、樂野部落汪啟聖的木雕作品、鄭微微的少女編織帽飾和創意檯燈、新美部落媽媽班共同創作藤竹编,材質來自山區的黃藤或竹子,細緻的編織工法俐落的織出裝小米的背簍、花瓶 、盤子,古樸中帶有新意,令人愛不釋手,而近年來部落的拼布工藝,作品已屆成熟,種類多樣,有貓頭鷹、魚固魚意象的零錢包,手提包還有可愛的鄒族娃娃,值得旅客品賞訂購。


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Background Note: Taiwan


PROFILE

NAME: Taiwan

Geography
Area: 35,967 sq. km. (13,887 sq. mi.).
Cities (2006): Capital--Taipei (pop. 2.6 million). Other cities--(Kaohsiung 1.5 million), Taichung (1.0 million).
Terrain: Two thirds of the island is largely mountainous with 100 peaks over 3,000 meters (9,843 ft.).
Climate: Maritime subtropical.

People
Population (July, 2006 est.) 23.0 million.
Annual growth rate (2006 est.): 0.61%.
Languages: Mandarin Chinese (official), Taiwanese, Hakka.
Education: Years compulsory--9. Attendance (2005)--99.4%. Literacy (2005)--97.3 %.
Health: Infant mortality rate (2006 est.)--0.63%. Life expectancy (2006 est.) male 74.67 yrs.; female 80.47 yrs.
Work force (2006 est.):10.6 million.

Political Establishment
Type: Multi-party democracy. There are four major parties forming two alliances known as Pan-Blue and Pan-Green. The Pan-Blue includes the Kuomintang (KMT) and the People First Party (PFP). The Pan-Green includes the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU). The Pan-Blue coalition holds a slight majority of seats in the Legislative Yuan (LY).
Constitution: December 25, 1946; last amended 2005.
Branches (Yuan): Executive, Legislative, Judicial, Control, Examination.
Major political parties: Democratic Progressive Party (DPP); Kuomintang (KMT or Nationalist Party); People First Party (PFP); Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU).
Suffrage: Universal over 20 years of age.
Central budget proposed (FY 2007): $50.8 billion.
Defense proposed (2007): 18.7 % of entire budget.

Economy
GNP (2006 est.): $364 billion.
Real annual growth rate (2006 est.): 4.3%.
Per capita GNP (2006): $16,024.
Unemployment (Jan-Aug. 2006) 3.9%.
Natural resources: Small deposits of coal, natural gas, limestone, marble and asbestos.
Agriculture (1.7% of GDP): Major products--pork, rice, fruit and vegetables, sugarcane, poultry, shrimp, eel.
Services: (73.3% of GDP). Industry (25.0% of GDP): Types--electronics and computer products, chemicals and petrochemicals, basic metals, machinery, textiles, transport equipment, plastics, machinery.
Trade (2005): Exports--$198 billion: electronics, optical & precision instruments, information and communications products, textile products, basic metals, plastic and rubber products. Major markets--U.S. $29 billion, PRC and Hong Kong $78 billion, Japan $15 billion. Imports--$183 billion: electronics, optical & precision instruments, information & communications products, machinery & electrical products, chemicals, basic metals, transport equipment, crude oil. Major suppliers--Japan $46 billion, PRC $20 billion, U.S. $21 billion. (Note: 2005 trade figures are revised because Taiwan began early this year to include re-exports in its exports and re-imports in its imports. End Note.)

PEOPLE
Taiwan has a population of 22.8 million. More than 18 million, the "native" Taiwanese, are descendants of Chinese who migrated from Fujian and Guangdong Provinces on the mainland, primarily in the 18th and 19th centuries. The "mainlanders," who arrived in Taiwan after 1945, came from all parts of mainland China. About 370,000 aborigines inhabit the mountainous central and eastern parts of the island and are believed to be of Malayo-Polynesian origin. Of Taiwan's total population, approximately one million, or 4.4%, currently reside in Mainland China.

Education
A 9-year public educational system has been in effect since 1979. Six years of elementary school and 3 years of junior high are compulsory for all children. About 93.5% of junior high graduates continue their studies in either a senior high or vocational school. Taiwan has an extensive higher education system with more than 150 institutions of higher learning. Each year, over 100,000 students attempt to enter higher education institutes; about 75% of the candidates are admitted to a college or university. Opportunities for graduate education are expanding in Taiwan, but many students travel abroad for advanced education. In FY 2006, over 16,000 U.S. student visas were issued to Taiwan passport holders.

Languages
A large majority of people in Taiwan speak Mandarin Chinese, which has been the medium of instruction in the schools for more than five decades. Native Taiwanese and many others also speak one of the Southern Fujianese dialects, Min-nan, also known as Taiwanese. Recently there has been a growing use of Taiwanese in the broadcast media. The Hakka, who are concentrated in several counties throughout Taiwan, have their own distinct dialect. As a result of the half-century of Japanese rule, many older people also can speak Japanese. The method of Chinese romanization most commonly used in Taiwan is the Wade-Giles system. In 2002, Taiwan authorities announced adoption of the pinyin system also used on the Mainland to replace the Wade-Giles system, but its use is not consistent throughout society, often resulting in two or more romanizations for the same place or person.

Religions
According to Taiwan's Interior Ministry figures, there are about 11.2 million religious believers in Taiwan, with more than 75% identifying themselves as Buddhists or Taoists. At the same time, there is a strong belief in Chinese folk religion throughout the island. These are not mutually exclusive, and many people practice a combination of the three. Confucianism also is an honored school of thought and ethical code. Christian churches have been active on Taiwan for many years, and today, the island has more than 600,000 Christians, a majority of whom are Protestant.

Culture
Taiwan's culture is a blend of its distinctive Chinese heritage and Western influences. Fine arts, folk traditions, and popular culture embody traditional and modern, Asian, and Western motifs. One of Taiwan's greatest attractions is the Palace Museum, which houses over 650,000 pieces of Chinese bronze, jade, calligraphy, painting, and porcelain. This collection was moved from the mainland in 1949 when Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist Party (KMT) fled to Taiwan. The collection is so extensive that only 1% is on display at any one time.

HISTORY
Taiwan's aboriginal peoples, who originated in Austronesia and southern China, have lived on Taiwan for 12,000 to 15,000 years. Significant migration to Taiwan from the Chinese mainland began as early as A.D. 500. Dutch traders first claimed the island in 1624 as a base for Dutch commerce with Japan and the China coast. Two years later, the Spanish established a settlement on the northwest coast of Taiwan, which they occupied until 1642 when they were driven out by the Dutch. Dutch colonists administered the island and its predominantly aboriginal population until 1661. The first major influx of migrants from the Chinese mainland came during the Dutch period, sparked by the political and economic chaos on the China coast during the Manchu invasion and the end of the Ming Dynasty.

In 1664, a Chinese fleet led by the Ming loyalist Cheng Ch'eng-kung (Zheng Chenggong, known in the West as Koxinga) retreated from the mainland and occupied Taiwan. Cheng expelled the Dutch and established Taiwan as a base in his attempt to restore the Ming Dynasty. He died shortly thereafter, and in 1683, his successors submitted to Manchu (Qing Dynasty) control. From 1680, the Qing Dynasty ruled Taiwan as a prefecture and, in 1875, divided the island into two prefectures, north and south. In 1887 the island was made into a separate Chinese province.

During the 18th and 19th centuries, migration from Fujian and Guangdong provinces steadily increased, and Chinese supplanted aborigines as the dominant population group. In 1895, a weakened Imperial China ceded Taiwan to Japan in the Treaty of Shimonoseki following the first Sino-Japanese war.
During its 50 years (1895-1945) of colonial rule, Japan expended considerable effort in developing Taiwan's economy. At the same time, Japanese rule led to the "Japanization" of the island, including compulsory Japanese education and forcing residents of Taiwan to adopt Japanese names.

At the end of World War II in 1945, Taiwan reverted to Chinese rule. During the immediate postwar period, the Nationalist Chinese (KMT) administration on Taiwan was repressive and corrupt, leading to local discontent. Anti-mainlander violence flared on February 28, 1947, prompted by an incident in which a cigarette seller was injured and a passerby was shot to death by Nationalist authorities. The island-wide rioting was brutally put down by Nationalist Chinese troops, who killed thousands of people. As a result of the February 28 Incident, the native Taiwanese felt a deep-seated bitterness toward the mainlanders. For 50 years the KMT authorities suppressed accounts of this episode in Taiwan history. In 1995 a monument was dedicated to the victims of the "2-28 Incident," and for the first time, Taiwan's leader, President Lee Teng-hui, publicly apologized for the Nationalists' brutality.

Starting before World War II and continuing afterwards, a civil war was fought on the mainland between Chiang Kai-shek's KMT government and the Chinese Communist Party led by Mao Zedong. When the civil war ended in 1949, 2 million refugees, predominately from the Nationalist government, military, and business community, fled to Taiwan. In October 1949 the People's Republic of China (PRC) was founded on the mainland by the victorious communists. Chiang Kai-shek established a "provisional" KMT capital in Taipei in December 1949. During the 1950s, the KMT authorities implemented a far-reaching and highly successful land reform program on Taiwan. They redistributed land among small farmers and compensated large landowners with commodities certificates and stock in state-owned industries. Although this left some large landowners impoverished, others turned their compensation into capital and started commercial and industrial enterprises. These entrepreneurs were to become Taiwan's first industrial capitalists. Together with refugee businessmen from the mainland, they managed Taiwan's transition from an agricultural to a commercial, industrial economy.

Taiwan has developed steadily into a major international trading power with nearly $381 billion in two-way trade (2005) and the world's 17th largest economy. Taiwan's accession to the World Trade Organization in 2002 has expanded its trade opportunities and further strengthened its standing in the global economy. Tremendous prosperity on the island has been accompanied by economic and social stability. Chiang Kai-shek's successor, his son Chiang Ching-kuo, began to liberalize Taiwan's political system, a process that continued when President Lee Teng-hui took office in 1988. The direct election of Lee Teng-hui as president in 1996 was followed by opposition Democratic Progressive Party candidate Chen Shui-bian's election victory in March 2000. Chen was re-elected in March 2004 in a tightly contested election.

ADMINISTRATION
The authorities in Taipei exercise control over Taiwan, Kinmen, Matsu, the Penghus (Pescadores) and several other smaller islands. Taiwan is divided into counties, provincial municipalities, and two special municipalities, Taipei and Kaohsiung. At the end of 1998, the Constitution was amended to make all counties and cities directly administered by the Executive Yuan. From 1949 until 1991, the authorities on Taiwan claimed to be the sole legitimate government of all of China, including the mainland. In keeping with that claim, when the Nationalists moved to Taiwan in 1949, they re-established the full array of central political bodies, which had existed on the mainland. While much of this structure remains in place, the authorities on Taiwan in 1991 abandoned their claim of governing mainland China, stating that they do not "dispute the fact that the PRC controls mainland China."

The first National Assembly, elected on the mainland in 1947 to carry out the duties of choosing the President and amending the constitution, was re-established on Taiwan when the KMT moved. Because it was impossible to hold subsequent elections to represent constituencies on the mainland, representatives elected in 1947-48 held these seats "indefinitely." In June l990, however, the Council of Grand Justices mandated the retirement, effective December 1991, of all remaining "indefinitely" elected members of the National Assembly and other bodies.

The second National Assembly, elected in 1991, was composed of 325 members. The majority were elected directly; 100 were chosen from party slates in proportion to the popular vote. This National Assembly amended the Constitution in 1994, paving the way for the direct election of the President and Vice President the first of which was held in March 1996. In April 2000, the members of the National Assembly voted to permit their terms of office to expire without holding new elections. The National Assembly elected in May 2005 voted to abolish itself the following month, leaving Taiwan with a unicameral legislature. The President is both leader of Taiwan and Commander-in-Chief of its armed forces. The President has authority over four of the five administrative branches (Yuan): Executive, Control, Judicial, and Examination. The President appoints the President of the Executive Yuan, who also serves as the Premier. The Premier and the cabinet members are responsible for government policy and administration.

The main lawmaking body, the Legislative Yuan (LY), was originally elected in the late 1940s in parallel with the National Assembly. The first LY had 773 seats and was viewed as a "rubber stamp" institution. The second LY was not elected until 1992. The third LY, elected in 1995, had 157 members serving 3-year terms, while the fourth LY, elected in 1998, was enlarged to 225 members. The LY has greatly enhanced its standing in relation to the Executive Yuan and has established itself as a major player on the central level. With increasing strength, size, and complexity, the LY now mirrors Taiwan's recently liberalized political system. In the 1992 and 1995 elections, the main opposition party--the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)--challenged the half-century of KMT dominance of the Legislature. In both elections, the DPP won a significant share of the LY seats, leaving only half of the LY seats in the hands of the KMT. In 2001, the DPP won a plurality of LY seats ?88 to KMT's 66, PFP 45 seats, TSU 13, and other parties?13. In the December 2004 LY election, the Pan-Blue coalition won a slender majority of 114 of the 225 seats (later increased to 115) compared to the Pan-Green coalition's 101 (later reduced to 111 and 97 seats, respectively, of the 220 occupied seats).

In 1994, when the National Assembly voted to allow direct popular election of the President, the LY passed legislation allowing for the direct election of the Governor of Taiwan Province and the mayors of Taipei and Kaohsiung Special Municipalities. These elections were held in December 1994, with the KMT winning the Governor and Kaohsiung Mayor posts, and the DPP Chen Shui-Bian winning the Taipei Mayor's position. In 1998, the KMT's Ma Ying-jeou wrestled back control of the mayorship of Taipei from Chen Shui-bian, and DPP leader Frank Hsieh defeated the KMT incumbent to become Mayor of Kaohsiung. Additionally, in a move to streamline the administration, the position of elected Governor and many other elements of the Taiwan Provincial Government were eliminated.

The Control Yuan (CY) monitors the efficiency of public service and investigates instances of corruption. The 29 Control Yuan members are appointed by the President and approved by the National Assembly; they serve 6-year terms. In recent years, the Control Yuan has become more activist, and it has conducted several major investigations and impeachments. Since December 2004, however, the pan-Blue dominated LY has refused to approve the new slate of CY members proposed by President Chen, leaving the CY inactive.

The Judicial Yuan (JY) administers Taiwan's court system. It includes a 16-member Council of Grand Justices (COGJ) that interprets the constitution. Grand Justices are appointed by the President, with the consent of the National Assembly, to 9-year terms.

The Examination Yuan (EY) functions as a civil service commission and includes two ministries: the Ministry of Examination, which recruits officials through competitive examination, and the Ministry of Personnel, which manages the civil service. The President appoints the President of the Examination Yuan.

Principal Leaders
President--Chen Shui-bian
Vice President--Annette Lu (Lu Hsiu-lien)
Premier--Su Tseng-chang
Vice Premier--Tsai Ing-wen
Legislative Yuan President--Wang Jin-pyng
Judicial Yuan President--Weng Yueh-sheng
Defense Minister--Lee Jye
Foreign Minister--James Huang (Huang Chih-fang)
Minister of Justice--Shih Mao-lin
Mainland Affairs Council Chairperson--Joseph Wu (Wu Chao-hsieh)
Government Information Office Minister--Cheng Wen-tsan
Cabinet Spokesperson--Cheng Wen-tsan

POLITICAL CONDITIONS
Until 1986, Taiwan's political system was effectively controlled by one party, the Kuomintang (KMT), the chairman of which was also Taiwan's President. As the ruling party, the KMT was able to fill appointed positions with its members and maintain political control of the island.

After 1986, the KMT's hold on power was challenged by the emergence of competing political parties. Before 1986, candidates opposing the KMT ran in elections as independents or "nonpartisans." Before the 1986 island-wide elections, many "nonpartisans" grouped together to create Taiwan's first new political party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). Despite the official ban on forming new political parties, Taiwan authorities did not prohibit the DPP from operating, and in the 1986 island-wide elections, DPP and independent candidates captured more than 20% of the vote. In 1987, President Chiang Ching-kuo lifted the emergency decree, which had been in place since 1948 and which had granted virtually unlimited powers to the President for use in the anti-communist campaign. This decree provided the basis for nearly four decades of martial law under which individuals and groups expressing dissenting views were dealt with harshly. Expressing views contrary to the authorities' claim to represent all of China or supporting independent legal status for Taiwan was treated as sedition. Since ending martial law, Taiwan has taken dramatic steps to improve respect for human rights and create a democratic political system. Almost all restrictions on the press have ended, restrictions on personal freedoms have been relaxed, and the prohibition against organizing new political parties has been lifted. Lee Teng-hui succeeded Chiang Ching-kuo as President when Chiang died on January 13, 1988. The Civic Organizations Law passed in 1989 allowed for the formation of new political parties, thereby legalizing the DPP, and its support and influence increased. Lee was elected by the National Assembly to a 6-year term in 1990, marking the final time a President was elected by the National Assembly. In the 1992 Legislative Yuan elections, the DPP won 51 seats in the 161-seat body. While this was only half the number of KMT seats, it made the DPP's voice an important factor in legislative decisions. Winning the Taipei mayor's position in December 1994 significantly enhanced the DPP's image. The DPP continued its strong showing in the 1995 LY race, winning 45 of the 157 seats to the KMT's 81. In 1996, Lee Teng-hui was elected President and Lien Chan Vice President in the first direct election by Taiwan voters. In the November 1997 local elections, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) won 12 of the 23 county magistrate and city mayor contests to the Kuomintang (KMT)'s 8, outpolling the KMT for the first time in a major election. In the 2001 LY elections, the DPP won a plurality of seats for the first time. In March 2000, DPP candidate Chen Shui-bian became the first opposition party candidate to win the presidency. His victory resulted in the first-ever transition of the presidential office from one political party to another, validating Taiwan's democratic political system. In a hotly contested election on March 20, 2004, President Chen Shui-bian was re-elected by 50.1% of the popular vote to a second term. The election was marred by a shooting incident the day before the election during which President Chen and his running mate Vice President Annette Lu were slightly wounded. While the opposition contested the results, it was the first time that the DPP had won an outright majority in an island-wide election.

The March election also included a "defensive referendum." Historically, the issue of referenda has been closely tied to the question of Taiwan independence, and thus has been a sensitive issue in cross Strait relations. There were two referenda before the voters on March 20. The first asked in light of the PRC missile threat whether Taiwan should purchase anti-missile systems. The second asked whether Taiwan should adopt a "peace framework" for addressing cross Strait differences with the PRC. However both referenda failed to obtain support from over 50% of registered voters, as required to be valid.
President Chen Shui-bian called for major constitutional reforms by 2006 ?later changed to 2008 ?aimed at further reducing layers of government, and making other structural changes aimed at improving governance. The People's Republic of China has accused Chen of using the constitution issue to move Taiwan towards independence. Chen pledged, however, in his May 20, 2004 inaugural address not to use constitutional reform to alter the constitution's approach to Taiwan status vis-?vis China.

The final National Assembly passed a set of constitutional amendments in June, 2005 that will halve the number of LY seats from 225 to 113 and create single-member legislative election districts beginning with the next legislative election scheduled for 2007. The constitutional revisions also abolished the National Assembly and provided for the public to confirm or reject future constitutional amendments passed by the LY. President Chen has called for "Round Two" of constitutional revision focusing on the form of government (presidential or parliamentary, 5-branch or 3-branch) and on human, labor, and aborigine rights. He has pledged not to include independence or name change in his proposed constitutional revisions.

In the December 2004 Legislative election, the ruling DPP won a plurality with 89 of the 225 seats, gaining 2 seats more than it did in 2001. The opposition KMT won 79 seats, or 11 more than it did in 2001. The KMT's "pan-Blue" coalition partner, the PFP, won only 34, 12 fewer than it won in 2001, while the DPP's partner, TSU won 12 seats. The New Party won one seat. The ruling "pan-Green" coalition's inability to secure a majority has left the LY in virtual gridlock since the election. The KMT won a landslide victory in December 2005 local elections, however, winning 14 of the 23 city mayor and county magistrate races to the ruling DPP's 6.

Political Parties
In addition to the KMT (described above in 'History' and 'Political Conditions'), there are three other major parties. The DPP, membership is made up largely of native Taiwanese, and its platform includes outspoken positions on some of the most sensitive issues in Taiwan politics. For example, the DPP maintains that Taiwan is an entity separate from mainland China, in contrast to the KMT position that Taiwan and the mainland, though currently divided, are both part of "one China." In sharp contrast to the tenets of both KMT and PRC policy, a number of ranking DPP officials openly advocate independence for Taiwan.

The People First Party (PFP) was formed in the wake of the March 2000 presidential election, composed of former KMT members who supported former KMT Taiwan Provincial Governor James Soong's presidential bid. PFP and KMT subsequently formed the "Pan-Blue" Alliance to oppose the DPP government. Former KMT President Lee Teng-hui, in turn, broke with the KMT and formed the pro-independence Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU) in 2001. The TSU, which advocates changing Taiwan's official name and completely replacing the 1947 constitution, allied itself with the DPP as part of the ruling "Pan-Green" alliance.

Taiwan and the Mainland
Despite differences between Taiwan and the PRC, contact between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait has grown significantly over the past decade. Taiwan has continued to relax restrictions on unofficial contacts with the PRC, and cross-Strait interaction has mushroomed. In January 2001, Taiwan formally allowed the "three mini-links" (direct trade, travel, and postal links) from Quemoy and Matsu Islands to Fujian Province and permitted direct cross-strait trade in February 2002. Cross-Strait trade has grown rapidly over the past 10 years. China is Taiwan's largest trading partner, and Taiwan is China's fifth largest. Estimates of Taiwan investment on the mainland, both officially approved by Taiwan authorities and investment made by Taiwan firms through third parties, start from $100 billion, making Taiwan and Hong Kong the two largest investors. This trade runs heavily in Taiwan's favor and continues to grow, providing another engine for the island's economy. The trend in cross-Strait economic interaction is one of steady growth with, so far, only temporary setbacks due to political factors such as the PRC March 2005 passage of an Anti-Secession Law. In August 2001, President Chen accepted the recommendation of the Economic Development Advisory Council to set aside the "no haste, be patient" policy of the Lee administration and replace it with an "active opening, effective management policy." However, in January 2006, President Chen reversed the policy to "active management, effective opening." In February 2003, Taiwan and the PRC agreed to allow Taiwan carriers to fly non-stop via Hong Kong or Macao to bring Taiwan residents on the mainland home for the Lunar New Year holiday. The two sides agreed to conduct Lunar New Year charter flights again in 2005, with flights operated by both Taiwan and P.R.C. carriers flying over, but not having to land in, Hong Kong or Macau. The two sides agreed on an expanded series of Lunar New Year charter flights in January-February 2006, and in June 2006 regularized these charter flights to include the other 3 major holidays - Dragon Boat festival, Mid-Autumn festival and January 1 New Year.

The development of semiofficial cross-Strait relations has been halting. Prior to April 1993, when talks were held in Singapore between the heads of two private intermediary organizations--Taiwan's Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) and the PRC Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS)--there had been some lower-level exchanges between the two sides of the Strait. The April 1993 SEF-ARATS talks primarily addressed technical issues relating to cross-Strait interactions. Lower-level talks continued on a fairly regular basis until they were suspended by Beijing in 1995 after President Lee's U.S. visit. Unofficial exchanges resumed in 1997 through informal meetings between personnel of the two sides' unofficial representative organizations. Direct SEF-ARATS contacts resumed in April 1998, and SEF Chairman Koo Chen-fu visited the mainland in October 1998. A planned visit by ARATS Chairman Wang Daohan to Taiwan in the fall, however, was postponed following statements made by then-President Lee Teng-hui that relations between the PRC and Taiwan should be conducted as "state-to-state" or at least as "special state-to-state relations." Since his May 20, 2000 inauguration, President Chen has called for resuming the cross-Strait dialogue without any preconditions. President Chen has stated that such talks should be conducted in the spirit of the 1992 Hong Kong talks, a reference to a meeting the two sides held to discuss how to handle political barriers to cross-Strait interaction. ThePRC has responded that the Chen administration must acknowledge that the two sides reached a consensus that there is only "one China" before any dialogue can be restarted. In his May 20, 2004 inaugural address, President Chen recognized the PRC's insistence on "one China" but stopped short of endorsing the concept. He called for a new "Cross-Strait Framework for Peace and Stability" and enhanced political, economic, and social exchanges between the two sides. In the face of the "one China" recognition obstacle and Taiwan's resentment over the PRC's March 2005 "Anti-Secession Law," Taipei and Beijing have been cautiously feeling each other out on a series of smaller, intermediary steps, including cross-Strait cargo and passenger charter flights, sale of Taiwan agricultural products in the PRC, and PRC tourists visiting Taiwan. The United States has welcomed and encouraged the cross-Strait dialogue as a process which contributes to a reduction of tension and to an environment conducive to the eventual peaceful resolution of the outstanding differences between the two sides. The United States believes that differences between Taipei and Beijing should be resolved by the people on both sides of the Strait themselves. The United States has consistently stated that its abiding interest is that the process be peaceful.

ECONOMY
Through nearly five decades of hard work and sound economic management, Taiwan has transformed itself from an underdeveloped, agricultural island to an economic power that is a leading producer of high-technology goods. In the 1960s, foreign investment in Taiwan helped introduce modern, labor-intensive technology to the island, and Taiwan became a major exporter of labor-intensive products. In the 1980s, focus shifted toward increasingly sophisticated, capital-intensive and technology-intensive products for export and toward developing the service sector. At the same time, the appreciation of the New Taiwan dollar (NT$), rising labor costs, and increasing environmental consciousness in Taiwan caused many labor-intensive industries, such as shoe manufacturing, to move to the Chinese mainland and Southeast Asia. Taiwan has transformed itself from a recipient of U.S. aid in the 1950s and early 1960s to an aid donor and major foreign investor, especially in Asia. Taiwan is now a creditor economy, holding the world's third largest stock of foreign exchange reserves ($261 billion as of August 2006). Although Taiwan enjoyed sustained economic growth, full employment, and low inflation for many years, in 2001, the combination of the slowing global economy, weaknesses in parts of the financial sector, and sagging consumer and business confidence in the government's economic policymaking resulted in the first recession since 1952. The economy began to recover in 2002, but the outbreak of severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) slowed growth to 3.4% in 2003. The world economic upturn drove growth in 2004 to 6.1%. However, slower world growth in 2005, higher energy prices and interest rates, and excess inventory dragged 2005 growth to 4%. Continued expansion of exports will sustain Taiwan's economic growth above 4% in 2006 and 2007.

Foreign Trade
Foreign trade has been the engine of Taiwan's rapid growth during the past 50 years. Taiwan's economy remains export-oriented, so it depends on an open world trade regime and remains vulnerable to fluctuations in the world economy. The total value of trade increased more than five-fold in the 1960s, nearly ten-fold in the 1970s, and doubled again in the 1980s. The 1990s saw a more modest, slightly less than two-fold, growth. In the first half of the 2000, exports grew 60%. Export composition changed from predominantly agricultural commodities to industrial goods (now 98%). The electronics sector is Taiwan's most important industrial export sector and is the largest recipient of U.S. investment. Taiwan became a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO) as a special customs territory in January 2002.

Taiwan firms are the world's largest supplier of computer monitors and leaders in PC manufacturing. Textile production, though of declining importance as Taiwan loses its competitive advantage in labor-intensive markets, is another major industrial export sector. Imports are dominated by raw materials and capital goods, which account for more than 90% of the total. Taiwan imports coal, oil and gas to meet most of its energy needs. Reflecting the large Taiwan investment in the mainland, China supplanted the United States as Taiwan's largest trade partner in 2003. In 2005, China (including Hong Kong) accounted for over 26% of Taiwan's total trade and almost 40% of Taiwan's exports. Japan was Taiwan's second-largest trading partner with 16% of total trade, including 25% of Taiwan's imports. The U.S. is now Taiwan's third-largest trade partner, taking 15% of Taiwan's exports and supplying 11.6% of its imports. Taiwan is the United States' eighth-largest trading partner; Taiwan's two-way trade with the United States amounted to $56 billion in 2004 and rose 1% to $57 billion in 2005. Imports from the United States consist mostly of agricultural and industrial raw materials as well as machinery and equipment. Exports to the United States are mainly electronics and consumer goods. The United States, Hong Kong, the PRC, and Japan account for nearly 61.4% of Taiwan's exports, and the United States, Japan, and the PRC provide almost 50% of Taiwan's imports. As Taiwan's per capita income level has risen, demand for imported, high-quality consumer goods has increased. The U.S. trade deficit with Taiwan in 2003 was $14 billion, fell slightly to $13 billion in 2004, and leveled off to $13 billion in 2005. The lack of formal diplomatic relations with all but a score of its trading partners appears not to have seriously hindered Taiwan's rapidly expanding commerce, but has made free trade agreements extremely difficult to pursue. Taiwan maintains trade offices in nearly 100 countries with which it does not have official relations. Taiwan is a member of the Asian Development Bank, the WTO, and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum. Taiwan is also an observer at the OECD. These developments reflect Taiwan's economic importance and its desire to become further integrated into the global economy.

Agriculture
Although only about one-quarter of Taiwan's land area is arable, virtually all farmland is intensely cultivated, with some areas suitable for two and even three crops a year. However, increases in agricultural production have been much slower than industrial growth. Agriculture only comprises about 1.7% of Taiwan's GDP. Taiwan's main crops are rice, sugarcane, fruit, and vegetables. While largely self-sufficient in rice production, Taiwan imports large amounts of wheat, corn, and soybeans, mostly from the United States. Poultry and pork production are mainstays of the livestock sector and the major demand drivers for imported corn and soybeans. Rising standards of living have led to increased demand for a wide variety of high-quality food products, much of it imported. Overall, U.S. agricultural and food products account for more than 30% of Taiwan agricultural import demand. U.S. food and agricultural exports total about $2.5 billion annually, making Taiwan the United States?sixth-largest agricultural export destination. Taiwan agricultural exports include frozen fish, aquaculture and sea products, canned and frozen vegetables, and grain products. Taiwan imports of agricultural products have increased since its WTO accession in 2002, and it is slowly liberalizing previously protected agricultural markets.

Economic Outlook
Taiwan now faces many of the same economic issues as other developed economies. With the prospect of continued relocation of labor-intensive industries to countries with cheaper work forces, Taiwan's future development will have to rely on further transformation to a high technology and service-oriented economy. In recent years, Taiwan has successfully diversified its trade markets, cutting its share of exports to the United States from 49% in 1984 to 15% in 2005 and 2006. However, a significant proportion of Taiwan's rapidly growing exports to the PRC are ultimately dependent on consumer demand in the U.S. Taiwan firms are increasingly acting as management centers that take in orders, produce them in Taiwan, the Mainland or South East Asia and then ship the final products to the U.S. Taiwan's accession to the WTO and its desire to become an Asia-Pacific "regional operations center" are spurring further economic liberalization.

DEFENSE
In proportion to its population, Taiwan still maintains a large military establishment accounting for 15.3% of the central budget and 2.1% of GDP in FY 2006. However, the defense budget as a proportion of GDP has shrunk significantly over the past decade from about 22.5% of the central budget and 4% of GDP in 1994. (Taiwan has pledged to increase its military spending to 3% of GDP. In the proposed 2007 central budget proposal, military expenditures would increase to 19% of the total central budget, or between 2.6% and 2.85% of GDP.) The military's primary mission is the defense of Taiwan against the PRC, which is seen as the predominant threat and which has not renounced the use of force against Taiwan. Taiwan's armed forces were reduced as part of a reform initiative from 1997 to 2001, going from about 450,000 to 385,000, with further reductions since then bringing the total force level down to just under 300,000. Registered reservists reportedly totaled 3,870,000 in 1997. Conscription remains universal for qualified males reaching age 18.

Taiwan's armed forces are equipped with weapons obtained primarily from the United States. In recent years, however, Taiwan also has procured some weapons from other Western nations and has stressed military "self-reliance," which has resulted in the growth of indigenous military production in certain fields. Taiwan's legislature is currently debating the approval of defense budget proposals to purchase defensive weapons systems the U.S. agreed to sell Taiwan in 2001 and earlier. The proposals would provide funds to purchase the Patriot Advanced Capability (either PAC-3 or PAC-2 upgraded) missile defense system, P-3C maritime patrol aircraft, and diesel-electric submarines. These systems would give Taiwan key capabilities in missile defense and anti-submarine warfare to remedy vulnerabilities in countering the PRC's accelerated military modernization. Taiwan adheres to the principles of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and has stated that it does not intend to produce nuclear weapons.

FOREIGN RELATIONS
The People's Republic of China replaced Taiwan at the United Nations in 1971, and Taiwan's diplomatic position has continued to erode, as many countries changed their official recognition from Taipei to Beijing. As of fall 2006, Taiwan had formal diplomatic ties with 24 countries. At the same time, Taiwan has cultivated informal ties with most countries to offset its diplomatic isolation and to expand its economic relations. A number of nations have set up unofficial organizations to carry out commercial and other relations with Taiwan. Including its official overseas missions and its unofficial representative and/or trade offices, Taiwan is represented in 122 countries. Recently, Taiwan has lobbied strongly for admission into the United Nations and other international organizations, such as the WHO. The PRC opposes Taiwan's membership in such organizations, most of which require statehood for membership, because Beijing considers Taiwan to be a province of China, not a separate sovereign state.

U.S.-TAIWAN RELATIONS
On January 1, 1979, the United States changed its diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing. In the U.S.-PRC Joint Communiqu?that announced the change, the United States recognized the Government of the People's Republic of China as the sole legal government of China and acknowledged the Chinese position that there is but one China and Taiwan is part of China. The Joint Communiqu?also stated that within this context the people of the United States will maintain cultural, commercial, and other unofficial relations with the people on Taiwan.
On April 10, 1979, President Carter signed into law the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA), which created domestic legal authority for the conduct of unofficial relations with Taiwan. U.S. commercial, cultural, and other interaction with the people on Taiwan is facilitated through the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT), a private nonprofit corporation. The Institute has its headquarters in the Washington, DC area and has offices in Taipei and Kaohsiung. It is authorized to issue visas, accept passport applications, and provide assistance to U.S. citizens in Taiwan. A counterpart organization, the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office in the United States (TECRO), has been established by the Taiwan authorities. It has its headquarters in Taipei, the representative branch office in Washington, DC, and 11 other Taipei Economic and Cultural Offices (TECO) in the continental U.S. and Guam. The Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) continues to provide the legal basis for the unofficial relationship between the U.S. and Taiwan, and enshrines the U.S. commitment to assisting Taiwan maintain its defensive capability.

Following de-recognition, the United States terminated its Mutual Defense Treaty with Taiwan. However, the United States has continued the sale of appropriate defensive military equipment to Taiwan in accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act, which provides for such sales and which declares that peace and stability in the area are in U.S. interests. Sales of defensive military equipment also are consistent with the 1982 U.S.-PRC Joint Communiqu? In this document, the United States stated that "it does not seek to carry out a long-term policy of arms sales to Taiwan" and that U.S. arms sales would "not exceed, either in qualitative or in quantitative terms, the level of those supplied in recent years," and that the U.S. intends "gradually to reduce its sale of arms to Taiwan." The PRC, in the 1982 Communiqu? stated that its policy was to strive for a peaceful resolution of the Taiwan question.

The United States position on Taiwan is reflected in the Three Communiqu廥 and the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA). The U.S. insists on the peaceful resolution of cross-Strait differences and encourages dialogue to help advance such an outcome. The U.S. does not support Taiwan independence. President Bush stated y on December 9, 2003 that the United States is opposed to any attempt by either side to unilaterally alter the status quo in the Taiwan Strait. The United States has endorsed dialogue and exchanges between the two sides and has encouraged the PRC to engage the democratically elected leadership of Taiwan, as well as the opposition.

U.S. commercial ties with Taiwan have been maintained and have expanded since 1979. Taiwan continues to enjoy Export-Import Bank financing, Overseas Private Investment Corporation guarantees, normal trade relations (NTR) status, and ready access to U.S. markets. In recent years, AIT commercial dealings with Taiwan have focused on expanding market access for American goods and services. AIT has been engaged in a series of trade negotiations, which have focused on protection of intellectual property rights, market access, and issues relating to Taiwan's accession to the WTO, which occurred in 2002.

Maintaining diplomatic relations with the PRC has been recognized to be in the long-term interest of the United States by seven consecutive administrations; however, maintaining strong, unofficial relations with Taiwan also a major U.S. goal, in line with our desire to further peace and stability in Asia. In keeping with our one-China policy, the U.S. does not support Taiwan independence, but it does support Taiwan's membership in appropriate international organizations, such as the WTO, APEC forum, and the Asian Development Bank, where statehood is not a requirement for membership. In addition, the U.S. supports appropriate opportunities for Taiwan's voice to be heard in organizations where its membership is not possible.

U.S. Representative Offices
American Institute in Taiwan
Washington Headquarters
Suite 1700, 1700 North Moore Street
Arlington, VA 22209
Tel: 703-525-8474
Fax: 703-841-1385

American Institute in Taiwan
Taipei Office
No. 7, Lane 134, Hsin Yi Road
Section 3, Taipei, Taiwan
Tel: 011-886-2-2162-2000
Fax: 011-886-2-2162-2239

American Institute in Taiwan
Kaohsiung Office
5F, No. 2, Chung Cheng 3rd Road
Kaohsiung, Taiwan 800
Tel: 011-886-7-238-7744
Fax: 011-886-7-238-5237

Taiwan Representative Office
Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office (TECRO)
4201 Wisconsin Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20016-2137
Tel: 202-895-1800
Fax: 202-895-0825



TRAVEL AND BUSINESS INFORMATION
The U.S. Department of State's Consular Information Program advises Americans traveling and residing abroad through Consular Information Sheets, Public Announcements, and Travel Warnings. Consular Information Sheets exist for all countries and include information on entry and exit requirements, currency regulations, health conditions, safety and security, crime, political disturbances, and the addresses of the U.S. embassies and consulates abroad. Public Announcements are issued to disseminate information quickly about terrorist threats and other relatively short-term conditions overseas that pose significant risks to the security of American travelers. Travel Warnings are issued when the State Department recommends that Americans avoid travel to a certain country because the situation is dangerous or unstable.

For the latest security information, Americans living and traveling abroad should regularly monitor the Department's Bureau of Consular Affairs Internet web site at http://www.travel.state.gov, where the current Worldwide Caution, Public Announcements, and Travel Warnings can be found. Consular Affairs Publications, which contain information on obtaining passports and planning a safe trip abroad, are also available at http://www.travel.state.gov. For additional information on international travel, see http://www.usa.gov/Citizen/Topics/Travel/International.shtml.

The Department of State encourages all U.S citizens who traveling or residing abroad to register via the State Department's travel registration website or at the nearest U.S. embassy or consulate abroad. Registration will make your presence and whereabouts known in case it is necessary to contact you in an emergency and will enable you to receive up-to-date information on security conditions.

Emergency information concerning Americans traveling abroad may be obtained by calling 1-888-407-4747 toll free in the U.S. and Canada or the regular toll line 1-202-501-4444 for callers outside the U.S. and Canada.

The National Passport Information Center (NPIC) is the U.S. Department of State's single, centralized public contact center for U.S. passport information. Telephone: 1-877-4USA-PPT ( 1-877-487-2778 ). Customer service representatives and operators for TDD/TTY are available Monday-Friday, 7:00 a.m. to 12:00 midnight, Eastern Time, excluding federal holidays.

Travelers can check the latest health information with the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta, Georgia. A hotline at 877-FYI-TRIP ( 877-394-8747 ) and a web site at http://www.cdc.gov/travel/index.htm give the most recent health advisories, immunization recommendations or requirements, and advice on food and drinking water safety for regions and countries. A booklet entitled "Health Information for International Travel" (HHS publication number CDC-95-8280) is available from the U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, DC 20402, tel. (202) 512-1800 .

Further Electronic Information
Department of State Web Site. Available on the Internet at http://www.state.gov, the Department of State web site provides timely, global access to official U.S. foreign policy information, including Background Notes and daily press briefings along with the directory of key officers of Foreign Service posts and more. The Overseas Security Advisory Council (OSAC) provides security information and regional news that impact U.S. companies working abroad through its website http://www.osac.gov

Export.gov provides a portal to all export-related assistance and market information offered by the federal government and provides trade leads, free export counseling, help with the export process, and more.
STAT-USA/Internet, a service of the U.S. Department of Commerce, provides authoritative economic, business, and international trade information from the Federal government. The site includes current and historical trade-related releases, international market research, trade opportunities, and country analysis and provides access to the National Trade Data Bank.




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